Kunigunde Kreuzerin wrote:Ben C. Smith wrote:What do you think this placement of ἐρχόμενον ἀπ᾽ ἀγροῦ means?
I have no idea. But I think a valid interpretation of Alexander and Rufus should also explain the unusual wording, the „coming from the field“ and the „passing by“.
Okay, I will give my take on it. I think the wording is unusual
only if we are taking Alexander and Rufus as an identification for Simon. Patronymic identification became so commonplace in antiquity and in the medieval period that it contributed to the formation of many surnames:
Pálfi = son of Pál (Hungarian)
Ramirez = son of Ramiro (Spanish)
Andersson = son of Anders (Swedish)
O'Brien = son of Brien (Irish Gaelic)
Ivanovich = son of Ivan (Russian)
Fitzwilliam = son of William (Norman)
Bedrosian = son of Bedros (Armenian)
MacDonald = son of Donald (Scottish)
But of course this is old news. The point here is that the patronymic identification usually follows hard upon the name; countless examples of this can be adduced, and this typical placement is presumably part of what led to the formation of the surnames (Ivan the son of Ivan > Ivan Ivanovich).
But patronymic identification is not the only kind of identification in ancient texts. Identification by place of origin is also quite common. In this case, it is "Simon, a Cyrenian" (Σίμωνα Κυρηναῖον).
That is the identification for this bystander named Simon, and it follows, as expected, hard upon the name. Him being the father of Alexander and Rufus is not a patronymic; and of course actually
identifying a person by his or her children is pretty rare. Because Simon is identified by his place of origin, and not by his father, it is a mistake to compare the wording here to that of patronymics and other genealogical identifications.
Rather, the basis for comparison ought to be instances when the family information is
not being used as a method of identification. For example:
Wars 5.4.1 §137: Accordingly, it was called the "Citadel," by king David; he was the father of that Solomon who built this temple at the first....." / διὰ γοῦν τὴν ὀχυρότητα φρούριον μὲν ὑπὸ Δαυίδου τοῦ βασιλέως ἐκαλεῖτο, πατὴρ Σολομῶνος ἦν οὗτος τοῦ τὸν πρῶτον ναὸν κτίσαντος....
Antiquities 19.1.15 §117: ...whence it was that they went by other ways, and came to the house of Germanicus, the father of Caius [παρῆσαν εἰς τὴν Γερμανικοῦ μὲν οἰκίαν τοῦ Γαΐου πατρός], whom they had now killed....
In the first case David is already identified as the King; his fatherhood of Solomon is added by way of connecting him to the builder of the Temple under discussion. In the second case both Germanicus and Caius have already been introduced in book 18; this family relationship is adduced in order to connect to those previous parts of the narrative, not to identify either one of them (hence the "father of" terminology instead of a patronymic). In neither case does the family relationship follow hard upon the name of the person; in one an object of a preposition intervenes, along with a postpositive particle, while in the other a main verb intervenes.
So when we read in Mark 15.21: Καὶ ἀγγαρεύουσιν παράγοντά τινα Σίμωνα Κυρηναῖον ἐρχόμενον ἀπ᾽ ἀγροῦ, τὸν πατέρα Ἀλεξάνδρου καὶ Ῥούφου, ἵνα ἄρῃ τὸν σταυρὸν αὐτοῦ, there is nothing unusual about the intervention of the phrase ἐρχόμενον ἀπ᾽ ἀγροῦ between Simon and his relationship to his sons compared to the usual ways of identifying characters in narratives, simply because his sons are
not being used to identify a character in the narrative. If the analogies hold true, then the sons are there in order to make a connection to something else; I have offered Ruth 4.17 as a close parallel, in which the reader is presumed to know who David is (and yet David is not being used to
identify Obed in the narrative sense, who has already been introduced as the son of Boaz and Ruth). This is why I call reader knowledge of Alexander and Rufus the "plain reading" of the text.
To address Joe's helpful table:
JoeWallack wrote:One way to measure relative evidence for fiction is to determine the percent of pieces of information in a section that have evidence of fiction. For the offending verse:
15:21
Information | Evidence of fiction | Commentary |
And they compel one passing by, | Unlikely | Unlikely that someone just passing by would be forced to carry the stake |
Simon | Repetition | 5 different Simons |
of Cyrene, | Unusual presentation | The Greek is not "of Cyrene", it's "Cyrenian", a name and not a derivative |
coming from the country, | Contrived/Unorthodox | Greek is "from the field" same as the LA and interrupts the identification |
the father of | Unorthodox | Identification is normally by father. |
Alexander and Rufus, to go [with them], | Unusual | Alexander is a Greek name and Rufus is a Latin name |
that he might bear his cross. | Contrived | Simon the lead disciple abandons Jesus and a different Simon takes up Jesus' stake |
Every piece of information here tests positive for fiction.
I obviously disagree with most of this.
As discussed above, nothing "interrupts the identification", which is "normally by father". Simon is identified by place of origin, not by family relationship. Alexander and Rufus are evidently there for another reason.
Why is calling Simon "a Cyrenian" instead of "of/from Cyrene" unusual? Is Ἰωάννης Δαμασκηνός unusual? If so, what does it mean? Why
not use the demonym?
Repetition is not a sign of fiction; or at least it is not a sign
only of fiction. In this case it can clearly be a sign that the name Sim(e)on was the most common Palestinian Jewish name, as I have pointed out before.
It is true that the usual custom was for the condemned to bear his own cross. Plutarch,
On Those Who Are Punished by the Deity Late (Moralia) 9: "And as every malefactor about to pay the penalty of his crime in his person bears his cross, so vice fabricates for itself each of its own torments, being the terrible author of its own misery in life, wherein in addition to shame it has frequent fears and fierce passions and endless remorse and anxiety." But think about crucifixion for a moment. It was a real punishment; it was really carried out. Yet how would it have been handled if the condemned was physically unable to bear the cross? It
must have happened sometimes. I suppose the Roman soldiers could carry it themselves, but I regard that as less likely than the simple alternative. Epictetus,
Discourse 4.1: "You must treat your whole body like a poor ass, with its burden on its back, going with you just so far as it may, and so far as it is given you; but if the king's service calls, and a soldier lays hands on it, let it go, do not resist or murmur; if you do, you will only get a flogging and lose your poor ass all the same." Matthew 5.41: "And whoever shall compel [
αγγαρευσει] you to go one mile, go with him two." I suspect the soldiers would most likely just conscript somebody to carry the cross for them. They harbored no qualms about beating people up for little or no reason (Juvenal,
Satire 16); why would they harbor any about forcing someone to do a bit of their dirty work for them?
The last two rows on the table are the only ones, IMHO, that bear explaining. Yes, Sim(e)on is a Jewish name, Alexander a Greek name, and Rufus a Roman name. That Jews often took on Greek and/or Roman nicknames is a commonplace, but the nice threefold distribution
might mean something. I am not sure what, but it might. The switching out of Simon from Cyrene (15.21) for Simon Peter (8.33-34) also seems slightly convenient; something weird
might be going on there (but again, bear in mind that Simon was a very common name).
Ben.