What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

Post by DCHindley »

Ben C. Smith wrote:
DCHindley wrote:You mean, that it was created in consequence of a misinterpretation of a marginal gloss in 20:200, which actually was a scoffing comment on the very different portraits of the HP Ananus (sp?) in Ant 20 (reckless and power mad) compared to the one in War 4 (the best thing that ever happened to mankind), which some Christian(s) thought MUST refer to the figure of James, and who immediately jumped to the conclusion that the James of the account MUST have been their shadowy James the Just, and thus making it necessary to introduce Jesus Christ into the narrative, picking Ant 18?
Would you mind walking me through it? What was the scoffing comment exactly?
Now that I check my archives, I think I started posting some variation of this hypothesis on Crosstalk2 (XTalk) as far back as 2007, not just a year or so ago.

The facts are these:

Ant 20:199ff, portrays Ananus, son of Ananus, as "a bold man in his temper, and very insolent" who was relieved of his High Priesthood on account of his recklessness.

However, in War 4:315-320, this same Ananus was praised to the sky:
4.5.2 315 and for the other multitude, they [i.e., the Idumeans] esteemed it needless to go on with killing them [i.e., the common people], but they sought for the high priests, and generally went with the greatest zeal against them;
4:316 and as soon as they caught them they slew them, and then standing upon their dead bodies, in way of jest, upbraided Ananus with his kindness to the people, and Jesus with his speech made to them from the wall.
4:318 I should not be mistaken if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs, whereon they saw their high priest, and the procurer of their preservation, slain [by the Idumeans] in the midst of their city.
4:319 He was on other accounts also a venerable, and a very just man; and besides the grandeur of that nobility, and dignity, and honour of which he was possessed, he had been a lover of a kind of equality; even with regard to the lowest of the people;
4:320 he was a prodigious lover of liberty, and an admirer of a democracy in government; and did ever prefer the public welfare before his own advantage, and preferred peace above all things; for he was thoroughly sensible that the Romans were not to be conquered. He also foresaw that of necessity a war would follow, and that unless the Jews made up matters with them very dexterously, they would be destroyed;
The Idumeans did not just kill Ananus, but also one Jesus. This was the early stages of the Revolt of 66-74 CE. The Provisional Revolutionary Government, under the control of Ananus, and Jesus his 2nd in command, had been wrangling with the Zealot party for control of the Temple precincts. The zealots called on the Idumeans to help their cause, but Ananus ordered the city gates shut. The Idumeans were PISSED!

Both Ananus, and his 2nd in command Jesus, gave speeches to the Idumeans from the city walls, trying to dissuade them by insults and by reason. The account of Jesus goes thusly:
238 Accordingly, Jesus, the oldest of the high priests next to Ananus, stood upon the tower that was opposite them [i.e., the Idumeans], and said thus:- […]
270 Thus spoke Jesus, yet did not the multitude of the Idumeans give any attention to what he said, but were in a rage, because they did not meet with a ready entrance into the city. The generals also had indignation at the offer of laying down their arms, and looked upon it as equal to a captivity, to throw them away at any man's injunction whomever.
I would propose that a reader or listener of a recitation of Ant 20, who was/were also familiar with War 4, when they got to the account now called sections 199ff, called to mind War 4:318-320, and noticed the diametrically opposed pictures of Ananus in these two accounts. There might have then been a short discussion of this disparity among listeners, and the reader jots in the margin, scoffing,"Can this man (referring to Ananus) be the just man on account of whose death the city was destroyed?" In another hand, someone had written "It would have been better to have attributed the city's demise to Jesus [referring to the high priest 2nd in command to Ananus, whose speech followed that of Ananus in War 4]."

Somehow this same mss later came into the possession of the master of Origen of Alexandria. Origen, being the chief literati in the household, happens to read it and he takes the reference to be not Ananus, but the Jacob the brother of Jesus who was one of the most notable of those being prosecuted. He also assumed that the Jesus being referred to in the second sentence was Jesus Christ, not the priest Jesus the 2nd in command of the PRG!

There were old traditions and rumors swirling about the Christian community in Alexandria, regarding a figure called James, who was said to be a brother of Jesus, their Christ. That was when Origen had an epiphany of his own! "I must have, in my very hands, Josephus' own copy, where he expanded upon what he had written!" The second sentence had him stumped for a moment, though, but he finally reasoned "'This must be the opinion of a fellow Christian!"

He immediately amends the text to add the words "the one called Christ", curled into a fetal position with the manuscript tucked by his bosom, and slept a deep sleep for about two days. Hence originated, in my humble opinion, Origen's statements about Josephus attributing the destruction of Jerusalem to the death of James the brother of Jesus, AND the one where he muses "it would have been better to attribute the destruction to the death of Jesus!"

This insertion of "the being-said Christ" made the invention of an account about Jesus necessary, and perhaps Ken Olson is correct that it was Eusebius who came up with the TF.

I am also tending to think that the stories about James the Just from Hegesippus were also developed from the same accounts of both Ananus and Jesus his 2nd in command in War 4, although I think Hegesippus wove his amusing and edifying narratives from various sources and was well aware he was embellishing accounts with extraneous material. In other words, Hegesippus, as an historical source, is not an especially good one as he is not writing history, but edifying stories for his own times.

Sorry, but I was attending a college graduation party for a friend's daughter a little while ago, so am pretty spent.

Now, to curl up with my favorite manuscript and sleep for 2 days ... :roll: :-|

DCH
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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

Post by Ben C. Smith »

Thanks, David. :)
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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

Post by spin »

Ben C. Smith wrote:Thanks, David. :)
Let me worm my way into this discourse about AJ 20.200. I too believe it is a marginal note absorbed into the text. But I turn to Eusebius, EH 2.23, which features a series of excerpts regarding James, first from Hegesippus, second from Origen C.C. (though Eusebius attributed it to Josephus) and the last was from Josephus including AJ 20.200.

I've argued elsewhere that Origen apparently confused Hegesippus with Josephus (names confused in antiquity) and wrote his passage from memory (& reused twice) thinking he was dealing with Josephus. Hence the reason why Eusebius's citation of Origen looks nothing like Josephus's passage. In fact Eusebius didn't see any connection between between AJ 20.200 and his citation of Origen. The connection was left to more recent pundits. This leads me to the theory that Origen's effort based on Hegesippus inspired a marginal note in AJ 20 that crept into the text before Eusebius's time.
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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

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You might be right, spin, I dunno.

Over the years I have been compiling "working" files, which have all sorts of the references to anything I think might at all be related to 18:63 (TF) or 20:200 (Jake), either in original, or quoted by or alluded to by a rather large number of church fathers from Clement of Alexandria to Medieval scholiasts, in Greek/Latin & English. However, there are a lot of duplicates, and one file might have something that another one does not, or I used different English translations in one against another with same content, etc., so I need to organize it all chronologically and by subject and source, and standardize the translations. Right now I don't have the energy to do it, so it languishes on the back burners.

So, you are saying that the progression of the James the Just tradition was Hegesippus, to Origen who thought he was reading Josephus, to Eusebius? Robert Eisler, In Messiah Jesus, made me aware that the Latin "Hegesippus" underwent some confusion as it is actually a paraphrase of Josephus, IIRC (oh, you'll let me know if I am wrong). I can see that as possible.

What strikes me as odd is Hegesippus seemed to have had utilized War 4's accounts of both Ananus and the priest James his second in command. If I was correct (again, you will correct me, surely) he must have figured out Origin's error, but found the material too good to just waste by telling the truth with it, and used the accounts instead to embellish his tale about James the Just. In your scenario, where would Hegesippus have got his material for James the Just? Since War 4 actually says flat out that the destruction of the city was directly linked to the death of Ananus, who is also described as just and in other ways similar to Hegesippus' description of James the Just, I tend to think the direction of details is from War 4 plus Ant 20 to Hegesippus' melting pot. You might too, I do not recall. Does Origen, or Clement of Alex., otherwise cite Josephus' War?

I also think Hegesippus utilized an unattested piece of propaganda put out by Simon Bar Giora containing the (I am sure :roll: ) actual transcripts of the treason trial of Idumean commander Jacob son of Sosa, who was arrested by Simon in a purge late in the war and whose fate is not mentioned in Josephus, for the "Door of Jesus" material. In this account, Jacob is basically subjected to a show trial where the main intent is to abuse him verbally and taunt him with ironic rebukes over his treason. The taunt was that maybe Jesus the 2nd high priest in command was right about Idumeans all along, as James was with Ananus in keeping the city door shut to the Idumeans and thus also to Jacob. So they taunt him: "What is the Door of Jesus?" Then they respond for him: "You (meaning Simon son of Sosa) have no defense! And now you shall see him (meaning Simon bar Giora) sitting at the right hand of the great power, which will come upon the clouds of heaven!"

Hegesippus was probably drooling at this point, as this was just too good for truth, again, and so it too was woven into the account of James the Just.

I'll look up your thread(s) from way back yonder.

DCH
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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

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Bernard Muller wrote:I have a webpage on the Testimonium Flavanium
http://historical-jesus.info/appe.html

Cordially, Bernard

Judging by the Domain i was expecting a lame ass apologia but surprised by the Conclusion, this should be the standard that even if you believe in Historical Jesus you shouldn't be pressing for the Authenticity of TF, that passage is simply unsalvageable.
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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

Post by Bernard Muller »

nt 20:199ff, portrays Ananus, son of Ananus, as "a bold man in his temper, and very insolent" who was relieved of his High Priesthood on account of his recklessness.
I think the Greek word translated as "insolent" in Ant. 20 can mean also "venturous". More, "insolent" may be a wrong translation, not allowed by that Greek word.

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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

Post by Bernard Muller »

to DCH,
You mean, that it was created in consequence of a misinterpretation of a marginal gloss in 20:200
So, what do you think Josephus' original words and the marginal gloss were?

Cordially, Bernard
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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

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Bernard Muller wrote:
DCHindley wrote:Ant 20:199ff, portrays Ananus, son of Ananus, as "a bold man in his temper, and very insolent" who was relieved of his High Priesthood on account of his recklessness.
I think the Greek word translated as "insolent" in Ant. 20 can mean also "venturous". More, "insolent" may be a wrong translation, not allowed by that Greek word.
Antiquities of the Jews 20:199 ... τὴν (the) ἀρχιερωσύνην (high-priesthood) ἔφαμεν (we have said) εἰληφέναι (taking) θρασὺς (confident) ἦν (he is) τὸν (the) τρόπον (manner/way) καὶ (and) τολμητὴς (daring) διαφερόντως (above all others)

We're talking about William Whiston, who translated this around 1737!

Lidell Scott Jones:

τολμ-άω , Ion. τολμέω Hdt. 8.77; Dor. 2sg.
A.“τολμῇς” Theoc.5.35: fut. “τολμήσω” S.El. 471, Dor. “-α_σῶ” Theoc.14.67: pf. “τετόλμηκα” A.Pr. 333, Dor. “-α_κα” Pi.P.5.117:—Med., Lys.Oxy.1606.420 (Bodl. Quarterly Record 5 (1928).303):—undertake, take heart either to do or bear anything terrible or difficult:
1. mostly abs., dare, endure, submit (v. Τλάω)“, ἐνὶ φρεσὶ θυμὸς ἐτόλμα” Il.10.232; σὺ δ᾽ (sc. κραδίη)“ ἐτόλμας” Od. 20.20; “οὐδέ οἱ ἵπποι τόλμων” Il.12.51; “ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἐτόλμησ᾽” A.Pr.237, etc.; “αἱ συμφοραὶ τοὺς ἡσυχίους τολμᾶν βιάζονται” Antipho 3.2.1; “τ. καὶ ἐκλογίζεσθαι” Th.2.40; τολμῶντες ἄνδρες ib.43, cf. S.Tr.583; “χρὴ τολμᾶν . . ἐν ἄλγεσι κείμενον ἄνδρα” Thgn.555; “τόλμα κακοῖσιν” Id.355, 1029; “τόλμα” S.Ph.82; τόλμησον ib.481: in part., τολμήσας . . παρέστη he took courage and . . , Plu.Cam.22, cf. Ev.Marc.15.43.
2. c. acc. rei, endure, undergo, “τ. χρὴ τὰ διδοῦσι θεοί” Thgn.591, cf. E. Hec.333, Pl.Lg.872e.
II. c. inf., to have the courage, hardihood, effrontery, cruelty, or the grace, patience, to do a thing in spite of any natural feeling, dare, or bring oneself, to do, “εἰ . . τολμήσεις Διὸς ἄντα . . ἔγχος ἀεῖραι” Il.8.424, cf. 13.395, 17.68, Od.9.332, S.Aj.528, Ar.Nu. 550, Lys.32.2, etc.; “τόλμησον ὀρθῶς φρονεῖν” A.Pr.999, cf. Thgn. 81,377, etc.; τ. κατακεῖσθαι submit to keep one's bed, Hp.Fract.10; “τ. ἀποθανεῖν” Ep.Rom.5.7; “οὐδὲ ἀπαιτούμενοι τὸν λόγον ἐτόλμησαν ἡμῖν δοῦναι” PCair.Zen.330.5 (iii B. C.).
2. sts. c. part., ἐτόλμα . . βαλλόμενος he submitted to be struck, Od.24.162; “τόλμα ἐρῶσα” E. Hipp.476, cf. Thgn.442, E.HF756.
3. c. acc., πόλεμον τολμήσαντα undertaking, venturing on it, Od.8.519; [“ἐσόδους] τετόλμακε” Pi.P.5.117; τ. πάντα, δεινά, ἔργον αἴσχιστον, etc., S.OC761, E.IA 133 (anap.), Med.695, etc.; “ὦ πᾶν σὺ τολμήσασα καὶ πέρα” S.Fr.189; also “τ. τὰ βέλτιστα” Th.3.56, 4.98; “πικρὰν πεῖραν” S.El.471; v. τόλμημα:—hence in Pass., οἰ̔̂ ἐτολμήθη πατήρ such things as my father had dared (or done) against him, E.El.277; τοῦτο τετολμήσθω εἰπεῖν let us take courage to say this, Pl.R.503b; “τὰ τολμηθέντα” J.AJ2.3.1; “αἱ τετολμημέναι ἐπίνοιαι” Ph.1.674; “τὰ τετ. εἰς ἐμέ” PGoodsp.Cair.15.3 (iv A. D.).
4. so in Act., τετολμηκυῖαι [λέξεις] daring expressions, Phld.Rh.1.341 S.

DCH
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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

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Bernard Muller wrote:to DCH,
You mean, that it was created in consequence of a misinterpretation of a marginal gloss in 20:200
So, what do you think Josephus' original words and the marginal gloss were?
Here's the original text:
Josephus, Antiquities 20.199 but this younger Ananus, who, as we have told you already, took the high priesthood, was a bold man in his temper, and very insolent; he was also of the sect of the Sadducees, {a} who are very rigid in judging offenders, above all the rest of the Jews, as we have already observed; 200 When, therefore, Ananus was of this disposition, he thought he had now a proper opportunity. Festus was now dead, and Albinus was upon the road; so he assembled the Sanhedrin of judges, and brought before them the brother of Jesus, who was called Christ, whose name was James, and some others. And, when he had formed an accusation against them as breakers of the law, he delivered them to be stoned.


The phrase "who was called Christ" (τοῦ λεγομένου Χριστοῦ) was either not yet there, or meant something innocuous ("who was said to be anointed" but to what? = he was High Priestly material). Who was the "brother of Jesus" named James (Jacob)? I suppose he was related to Jesus son of Damneus, who immediately succeeded Ananus after he was deposed. The gist is that Ananus "took" the high priesthood, maybe by strong arm tactics, and Jacob was arguing that Ananus took what should have been given to his brother Jesus. Alternately, Jesus was anointed (next in line) to be HP, and Ananus snatched it away.

Either way, Jacob complained, and Ananus had him executed on a pretense to quiet him. However, by doing so he overstepped his power and was removed, and the position was given, in consolation, to the preferred candidate (Jesus son of Damneus). Jesus son of Damneus did not fare much better, as he was also deposed.

20:200 Jesus, no patronym – Brother of Jacob, called the Christ.
20:203 Jesus, son of Damneus – High priest.
20:205 Jesus, [son of Damneus] – High priest.
20.213 Jesus, son of Damneus – Deposed as High priest.
20:213 Jesus, son of Gamaliel – High priest.
20:223 Jesus, son of Gamaliel – High priest.
20:234 Jesus, son of Josadek – High priest.

The only problem is that he would have been introducing a character without patronymic or other ID, only to be identified later.

In an e-mail exchange with Steve Mason, dated to around 1/29/08, dealt in part with the question of how Josephus identifies new characters in his narratives:
Steve Mason wrote:I'm not aware of any studies (which doesn't mean there aren't any, since Josephus is pursued by so many disciplines in so many languages -- perhaps there is a journal article somewhere) dealing with this phenomenon. My own commentary work -- just completed War 2 -- tends to confirm your findings [on characters named "Jesus" that confirmed Ben's statement that Josephus tends to introduce his characters at time of first introduction]. This is true generally of ancient writers, but especially with Josephus. Given that in both Roman and Judaean circles a very small pool of names was heavily used, and in the Judaean context Yehoshua is one of the top few, along with Shimon and Yehuda, Josephus needs to identify the person by either patronymic or place of origin, far less often by other indicators such as school affiliation (Menachem the Essaios, etc. -- unless Essaios also marks a place of origin). Only when the narrative is already thus contextualized, usually, does he use the name alone. When he can't be bothered, or doesn't know the relevant identifiers, he can also use the expedient of tis: 'A certain X....'.

The Iesous in Tiberias (from Life 271) is the archon, or council-president (278-79) -- a case of mentioning the name shortly before giving the identification. That also happens occasionally in War. I have wondered whether it is not a deliberate narrative technique: provoking the reader to wonder who this guy is, and then supplying the identification after a few sentences (the way the films frequently raise such questions -- Who is this person? -- and only later supply the answer)


Around 12/29/07 I was able to snag a copy of Shaye Cohen's Josephus in Galilee and Rome, and on this subject of uneven method he states:

"The uneven method of introducing and re-introducing characters and places is particularly conspicious in V[ita]. Cestius Gallus, the governor of Syria is mentioned first in V 23 but his title does not appear until V 30. [Then] V 49 and 214 record only the name, [yet] V 347 and 373 add the title [again]. [...] Jesus ben Sapphia is introduced in V 134 as if he were a new character although he appeared at least once before (V 66). We meet Ananias, a member of the delegation, in V 197, but Josephus describes him in V 290 as if for the first time. Elsewhere, too, Josephus employs this same non-technique. The monuments of [Queen] Helena [of Adiabene] are mentioned in BJ 5.55 and 119, but Helena is not identified until 147 and 253. John of Gischala appears first in BJ 2.575, but is introduced only in 585. Antioch is described in BJ 3.29 although it was mentioned frequently in BJ 1 and 2. Judas the Galilean, the son of Ezekias, is introduced twice (BJ 2.56//AJ 17.271 and BJ 2.118//AJ 18.4). [fn 44: Assuming the identity of Judas the Galilean with Judas son of Ezekias.] Antipater the father of Herod is described as if a new character in BJ 1.180-81//AJ 14.121. Any deductions about Josephus' sources based on these inconcinnities are unreliable. [fn 45: The sloppiness of Josephan procedure was unappreciated by Schemann 19 (on Helena); Drexler 305 (on John); Marcus note f on AJ 14.121 (on Antipater). A complete study of this problem is needed.]"


The Marginal Glosses:

The marginal glosses were in response to the passage in 20.199 that is underlined. In War 4 Josephus had said:
War wrote:4:318 I should not be mistaken if I said that the death of Ananus was the beginning of the destruction of the city, and that from this very day may be dated the overthrow of her wall, and the ruin of her affairs


Gloss #1: A reader, noticing that the Ananus of War 4 was quite different than the Ananus of Ant 20:199, jotted in the margin by 20:199 this rhetorical gloss: "How can this man (aggressive and bold Ananus) be the reason for the city's destruction (the benevolent and super-wonderful one in War 4)?" Origen may have actually thought this was a gloss by Josephus himself.

Gloss #2: I think another marginal gloss added "He should have said it was on account of the speech of Jesus (the 2nd in Command to Ananus at the time of their deaths)."

These comments both show knowledge of War 4 and the stories of Ananus & Jesus trying to turn away the Idumeans during the Judean revolt, and how they paid for it when the Idumeans were able to gain access to the city.

Origen says
Origen, Against Celsus 1.47b-d
b) Now he [Josephus] himself, although not believing in Jesus as the Christ, in seeking the cause of the fall of Jerusalem and the destruction of the temple, whereas he ought to have said that the conspiracy against Jesus was the cause of these calamities befalling the people, since they put Christ to death, who was a prophet, nevertheless says, being albeit against his will not far from the truth, that these disasters happened to the Jews as a punishment for the death of James the just, who was a brother of Jesus called Christ, the Jews having put him to death, although he was a man most distinguished for his justice.


Origen does not seem to be aware that Josephus attributed the destruction of the city to the death of Ananus, or that Jesus the 2nd priest in command also made a speech, and that they were killed together.

Assuming marginal glosses as above, I think Origen took the first gloss to refer to James (Jacob) the brother of Jesus, and he immediately thought of James the brother of Jesus mentioned in the book of Galatians. The second gloss he was less sure of, but thinking it referred to Jesus Christ of Christian tradition, instead of Jesus the 2nd priest in command behind Ananus. He agreed with this misapprehension, and repeated the comment as if self evidently referring to Jesus Christ of Christian tradition.

DCH

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Re: What's your Opinion on Testimonium Flavianum

Post by Bernard Muller »

Thanks DCH,
I have to say your theory is better and more documented than others on the same topic.
But I have objections on each of your points and I hope I'll have time to write a post about them.

Cordially, Bernard
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