Tertullian's Prefaces ...

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Tertullian's Prefaces ...

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"... One of the most detailed and crucial pieces of information that we possess about [Marcion's Gospel] derives from Tertullian's preface to his commentary on Marcion's Gospel and Antitheses...in Tertullian's Adversus Marcionem IV - according to IV 9,3.

"We can also draw on the prefaces to some other works of Tertuallian, particularly those belonging to his systematic and ant-heretical opus, to which De praescriptione haereticorum provides the preface, followed by De ressurectione carnis, De carne Christii and, eventually, Adversus Marcionem I-V.5 Once one notices that Tertullian was particularly keen not only to provide prefaces to his own works, but also to reference, value and evaluate the prefaces of other writers, notably Marcion's Antitheses, Irenaeus' preface to his Adversus haereses I-V, and the prefaces to the Pastoral Letters, which he regards as genuinely Pauline,6 the relation not only between so-called hypertext and hyopotexts,7 but also that between hypertexts themselves, comes to the fore ..."
//
"... in what follows we will try to look critically at Tertullian's ways of prefacing his works, recognising his extraordinary creativity in reshaping the notions and interrelations of exordium, narratio, partitio, and propositio,11 to then first move to the introduction12 of his De praescriptione haereticorum (the preface of which accounts for 14 of a total of 45 chapters); and then to comment on the entire text of that work, as it is itself the preface (the literal sense of praescriptio) to the further anti-heretical and primarily anti-Marcionite writings of De ressurectione carnis, De carne Christii and Adversus Marcionem, with which we will deal with in particular, focusing on their prefaces and selected passages."
//
"As a result the reader will [not only] get a better understanding of Tertullian's extensive literary response to Marcion,15 but also a glimpse of what, despite all the rhetorical clouding of Tertullian,16 might have provoked Marcion...to publish his own preface to his Gospel, the Antitheses, together with this Gospel-text and the ten Pauline Letters as his* 'New Testament', thereby providing the structural principle for the later canonical New Testament.17

"We will discover that, astonishingly, there was closer intellectual proximity between the interlocutors than the battle on the surface would intimate."


^From the Introduction of Markus Vinzent's 2016 book, 'Tertullian's Preface to Marcion's Gospel', Studia Patristica Supplements, 5; Peeters: Leuven, Paris, Bristol, CT; pp.1-3.


5 See T.D. Barnes, Tertullian (1985; 1st ed. 1971), 125; although he sees the proximity of the first draft of Adversus Marcionem to De praescriptione haereticorum, he only reckons with the anti-Marcionite works Adversus Marcionem, De carne Christii, and De ressurectione carnis; similarly, C. Moreschini, 'Polemica antimarcionita e speculaziones teologia' (2002), 25.

6 See M.A. Frisius, 'Tertullian's Use of the Pastoral Epistles, Hebrews, James, 1 and 2 Peter, and Jude' (2011), 9.

7 On prefaces and their relation to the texts they introduce see G. Genette Palimpsests (1997) [1982]); id., Paratexts (1997 [1987]).


11 See R.D. Sider, Ancient Rhetoric and the Art of Tertullian (1971), 22-4; G.D. Dunn, 'Tertullian's Aduersus Iudaeos' (2008), 61-8.

12 Tertullian does not seem to distinguish between prefaces and introductions as G. Genette, Paratexts (1997) [1987]), 161, does, although even he admits that 'for the most part' the nuances between the different 'cases of co-presence' are 'connotative' (ibid. 162).


15 As R. Baum writes in his introduction to Adversus Marcionem IV .... [French] ...

16 Clouding does not mean distorting - on Tertullian's trustworthiness see W. Bosshardt, 1921; E. Lodovici, 1972; on his lack of catching Marcion's theological depth, see A.v. Harnack, Marcion, (21924 = 1966), 329-30; on this see C. Moreschini, 'Polemica antimarcionita e speculaziones teologia' (2002), 11.

* italics mine (and there New Testament was italicised, whereas I haven't)

17 See J. Knox, Marcion and his New Testament (1942), 31: 'The the structural principle of Marcion's canon became the organizing idea of the catholic New Testament'. One only needs to see the 'predominance of Pauline Letters in the Catholic New Testament' which, according to E.C. Blackman, Marcion and his influence (1948), 38 'is accounted for by Marcion's view of Paul and the only Apostle'.

.
Vinzent says, when he had been asked to write a biography of Tertullian for a 2015 conference (on 'Authorial voices and religious innovation in the Hellenistic Roman times: from Ben Sira to Tertullian'), he
"became fascinated by the distinctly different prefaces with which Tertullian introduced his various writings. This approach, then, made [Vinzent] re-read the introduction and the entire text of Tertullian's De praescriptione haereticorum and his prefaces to Against Marcion, particularly that to book IV, where he discusses Marcion's Gospel, and that to book V, where he begins to go through Marcion's version of the Pauline Letters. ..//.. Tertullian's own struggle,23 if not obsession, with Marcion made me work more on the complex relation between these two incommensurable thinkers."

23 On Tertullian struggling with Marcion, see J. Lieu, Marcion and the Making of a Heretic (2015), 185.
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Re: Tertullian's Prefaces ... 2

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"...despite all the rhetorical slander against Marcion -and Tertullian has written more against him than against or on anybody in his entire career (at least what has been preserved from it)- Tertullian is caught by the spell of this man, a spell that drives him as in [a] passage to beautiful poetrya, to visual geography, rhythmic writing, contrasting philosophy, a spell he can never, despite all his efforts, rid himself of." [p.5]

a previously in the same paragraph Vinzent referred to Tertullian, at the opening of Against Marcion, calling Marcion 'the Pontic mouse'...
"...who had 'gnawed away at the Gospels', was born in 'the most barbarous' place, a land 'more uncouth than a Scythian, more unsettled than a Wagon-dweller, more uncivilized than a Massagete, with more effrontery than an Amazon, darker than fog, colder than winter, more brittle than ice, more treacherous than the Danube, more precipitous than Caucasus', a country that produced this blasphemer, 'more ill-considered than the wild beasts of that barbarous land'." [24 Tert. Adv. Marc. I 1, 4-5 [4-5 in Latin cited]. On the literary parallels and sources see R. Braum, Tertillien: Contra Marcion I (1990), 102-3, nn. 2-3; 104-5, nn. 1-2; T.P. O'Malley, Tertullian and the Bible (1967), 83-4.]
Vinzent goes on
Still, every so often Tertullian has to admit that the one he is trying to defeat did get things right and pushed the same agenda that he himself is following, the novelty of Christianity, the newness of its scriptures, the divinity of Christ and the prophetic nature of his message. In contrast to Marcion, however, at least as he sees and portrays him, Tertullian tries to retain traditio, to re-establish the hierarchical link between the old and the new, between just and good, between the prophets of old and the great prophet, Jesus.25 And he insists on the integration of the prefigurations of the truth, the grand story.26 This he sees narrated by the Word Christ who was the Son of his Father,27 created the World, called Israel, and when it rebuked and refuse the saviour,28 'extended towards all men the law of his Father's bounty, excluding none from his compassion as he excludes none from his vocation'.29 [pp.5-6]


25 According to R. Braum, Tertillien: Contra Marcion IV (2001), 32, more than 50% of all 419 quotes from the 'Old Testament' in Adv. Marc. IV refer to prophetic writings, making a total of 222 quotes (of which 140 are explicit citations). Of these, again, over 50%, or a total of 140 quotes (86 explicit ones), refer to Isaiah alone, followed by Jeremiah (15/14), Zacharia (13/9), Daniel (12/3), and others.

26 On this progressive scheme see also Tert. De or. I, 1-2; see J.-C. Fredouille, Tertuallien et la coversion de la culture antique (1972), 274-81, who points out the Aristotelian and Neo-Platonic elements of it; on the notion of progress see L.E.L. van der Geest, Le Christ et l'Ancien Testament chez Tertullian (1972), 81-5.

27 see Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 39.

28 see Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 31.43.

29 see Tert., Adv. Marc. IV 16 [cited in Latin].
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Re: Tertullian's Prefaces ...

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Vinzent notes
Tertullian rejects Marcion's antithetical worldview and sees those who were formerly regarded as 'gentiles' being brought close to Israel; for example, when commenting Paul's Letter to the Laodicenes (according to Tertullian, Paul's Letter to the Ephesians) (2:10):
The gentiles are now in Christ being made nigh to those from whom they were then far off. In Christ we have been brought very near to the commonwealth of Israel, which is the religion of god the Creator, and to their covenants and promise, and even to their God ... that he might reconcile both to God - the God whom both nations had offended - both the Jewish and the gentile people in one body, as he expresses it, when in it he had slain the enmity by the cross. [Tert. Adv. Marc. V 17,13.15]
... The goal for gentiles is 'Israel', not only to become close to it, but to partake fully of its covenants with God, its promises made by God through the prophets, and to gain access to it's God. [p.6, 'Tertullian's Preface[s] to Marcion's Gospel', 2016]

One might wonder to what extent gentiles and the Jewish people were in one body in Tertullian's time and place ie. in Carthage.

Was Tertullian expressing wishful thinking?


Eric Rebillard has in recent years addressed Christianity in Carthage in the second and third centuries -
  • 'Everyday Christianity in Carthage at the Time of Tertullian', Religion in the Roman Empire (RRE) Vol 2 (2016) / Issue 1, pp.91-102 (12)

    This paper explores everyday Christianity in Carthage at the time of Tertullian. The notion is coined after that of everyday nationhood or everyday ethnicity developed by Rogers Brubaker* and some of his students. Highlighting the disjuncture between the thematisation of Christianness in the discourse of ecclesiastical writers and its enactment in the everyday life of Christians, this approach tries to delimit the extent to which Christians lived their religion in their everyday social experience.

  • 'Expressing Christianness in Carthage in the Second and Third Centuries', RRE Vol 3 (2017) / Issue 1, pp.119-134 (16)

    Second and third-century Christians in Carthage seem to have expressed their Christianness in contexts in which they were with other Christians and in which they were already identified as such. There is little evidence of other, public, contexts in which they gave salience to their Christianness over other category memberships such as those attached to their social group or to their trade. The fact that they did not live in a separate Christian world, and that fear could not account for their behaviour, confirms that a number of Christians adopted a lateral arrangement of their category memberships, in which situational selection is the key to the activation or not of a given category.



eta: * Rogers Brubaker is an American sociologist. Perhaps Rebillard is referring to themes in some of his several books?, such as
eta.2: Perhaps Grounds for Difference?, 2015, in which Brubaker talks about religion as "the return of the sacred", albeit in a 21st C. context.
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Re: Tertullian's Prefaces ...4

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Already in antiquity, Tertullian was admired, highly praised and yet so sharply criticised for being a writer and thinker who had fought against Marcion's anti-prophetism and, having engaged in this and with this man's novelties, ended up himself at the other extreme embracing the new prophecies of the Phrygians, based on a female prophetess. A wonderful example is Vincent of Lérins portrayal of Tertullian in his Remembrancer (Commonitorium) [chapter 18] -
[46.] ... For as Origen holds by far the first place among the Greeks, so does Tertullian among the Latins. For who more learned than he, who more versed in knowledge whether divine or human? With marvellous capacity of mind he comprehended all philosophy, and had a knowledge of all schools of philosophers, and of the founders and upholders of schools, and was acquainted with all their rules and observances, and with their various histories and studies. Was not his genius of such unrivalled strength and vehemence that there was scarcely any obstacle which he proposed to himself to overcome, that he did not penetrate by acuteness, or crush by weight? As to his style, who can sufficiently set forth its praise? It was knit together with so much cogency of argument that it compelled assent, even where it failed to persuade. Every word almost was a sentence; every sentence a victory. This know the Marcions, the Apelleses, the Praxeases, the Hermogeneses, the Jews, the Heathens, the Gnostics, and the rest, whose blasphemies he overthrew by the force of his many and ponderous volumes, as with so many thunderbolts.

Yet this man also, notwithstanding all that I have mentioned, this Tertullian, I say, too little tenacious of Catholic doctrine, that is, of the universal and ancient faith, more eloquent by far than faithful, changed his belief, and justified what the blessed Confessor, Hilary, writes of him, namely, that “by his subsequent error he detracted from the authority of his approved writings.” He also was a great trial in the Church. But of Tertullian I am unwilling to say more. This only I will add, that, contrary to the injunction of Moses, by asserting the novel furies of Montanus which arose in the Church, and those mad dreams of new doctrine dreamed by mad women, to be true prophecies, he deservedly made both himself and his writings obnoxious to the words, “If there arise a prophet in the midst of thee, … thou shalt not hearken to the words of that prophet.“ For why? “Because the Lord your God doth make trial of you, whether you love Him or not.” (Deut. 13:1-3) https://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Nicene_a ... Chapter_18
""... 'too little tenacious of Catholic doctrine'...applies...to Tertullian's own censure of those who were tempted to fall away from the Church, as presented in his De praesciptione haereticorum.
It's quite ironic Tertullian was praised for ''genius of such unrivalled strength and vehemence'' used against [alleged] blasphemies he "overthrew by the force of his many and ponderous volumes", yet was, in turn, excoriated for "asserting the 'novel furies' of Montanus, (which [supposedly] arose in the Church) and...doctrine dreamed by mad women ...", "he deservedly made both himself and his writings obnoxious ...".
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Re: Tertullian's Prefaces ...

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"Apparently, Tertullian did not only take on board Marcion's idea of novelty, the new scriptures, the Lords new edict and ethic,33 but was also keen on new prophecies that were rejected by Marcion, which caused the great concern that Tertullian developed against this anti-prophetic writer."

33 see Tert. Adv. Marc. IV 14,1;a,b "hence, I [Markus Vinzent] do not* believe with E. Norelli, 'Marcion: ein christlicher Philosoph oder ein Christ gegen die Philosophie?' (2002), 119 that, according to Marcion, the Christ of the transcendant God did not* promote a new law."

[ * italics added by me, Mac]

  1. Tert. Adv. Marc. IV 14: [1] I now come to those ordinary precepts of His, by means of which He adapts the peculiarity of His doctrine to what I may call His official proclamation as the Christ.455 "Blessed are the needy" for no less than this is required for interpreting the word in the Greek, "because theirs is the kingdom of heaven" [Luke 6.20]. Now this very fact, that He begins with beatitudes, is characteristic of the Creator, who used no other voice than that of blessing either in the first fiat or the final dedication of the universe: for "my heart," says He, "hath indited a very good word" [Psalm 45.1]. [2] This will be that "very good word" of blessing which is admitted to be the initiating principle of the New Testament, after the example of the Old. What is there, then, to wonder at, if He entered on His ministry with the very attributes of the Creator, who ever in language of the same sort loved, consoled, protected, and avenged the beggar, and the poor, and the humble, and the widow, and the orphan? So that you may believe this private bounty as it were of Christ to be a rivulet streaming from the springs of salvation. [3] Indeed, I hardly know which way to turn amidst so vast a wealth of good words like these; as if I were in a forest, or a meadow, or an orchard of apples. I must therefore look out for such matter as chance may present to me.
http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf03/anf ... 34_1637460


b I think Adv. Marc IV 1,1 could also reflect Marcion's account of his Lord's new edict and ethic (albeit as told by Tertullian) -

Tert. Adv. Marc IV 1: [1] Every opinion and the whole scheme of the impious and sacrilegious Marcion we now bring to the test of that very Gospel which, [allegedly] by his process of interpolation, he has made his own. To encourage a belief of this Gospel he has actually devised for it a sort of dower, in a work composed of contrary statements set in opposition, thence entitled Antitheses, and compiled with a view to such a severance of the law from the gospel as should divide the Deity into two, nay, diverse, gods----one for each Instrument, or Testament as it is more usual to call it; that by such means he might also patronize belief in "the Gospel according to the Antitheses." http://www.tertullian.org/anf/anf03/anf ... 34_1637460

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