I just bought the Kindle version of the JHC from amazon (cheap enough but no table of contents )
I have come to the conclusion that Maximinus’s pamphlet probably carried the correct date of the Passion and that chronological fabrications were carried out by Christian scribes to shorten Pilate’s term of office in AJ from 18 years (18-36) to 10 years (26-36). The motives were twofold: a) so that the Lukan date for the Passion could be upheld and b) the apparently unsavory events depicted in the Acta, taking place in 20-21, could be divorced from any association with Pilate, and if with Pilate, also with Christ.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 87). Kindle Edition.
So far so good:
Reasons for the chronological redating of Pilate? In order that the chronology - hence crucifixion dating - of gLuke could be upheld without the distraction of the Acts of Pilate dating. (Josephus having his own 19 c.e. dating) If Pilate's arrival in Judaea was left to 18/19 c.e. and he stayed there for 18 years until 36/37 c.e. - then a conflict between the Acts of Pilate dating, Josephus dating, and the gLuke dating for the crucifixion would continue. Shortchanging Pilate years circumvented any potential problems before they could cause division.
If Peter Marchant had stopped here all would be well. Unfortunately, he has let assumptions spoil his Pilate argument.
I think that the TF has been inserted at the precise point in the narrative where the later exploits of Judas of Galilee, including details of his public execution, have been suppressed. I will be accused of an argument from silence here, but how better can we explain, in addition to the arguments already adduced, why the crucifixion of Jesus, by this placement, is now out
of synchronicity with the execution of John the Baptist
Peter Marchant has no historical evidence for the Josephan figure of Judas the Galilean - just as Greg Doudna has no historical evidence for the Josephan figure of Jesus ben Saphat. If no historical evidence is available for figures in the writing of Josephus then the question to ask is what purpose do these figures serve in the 'history' Josephus is writing ?
Greg Doudna made an interesting suggestion regarding the Josephan figure of John the baptizer. i.e. this Josephan figure is a misplaced reference to Hyrcanus II. (or history remembered re the dating 63 b.c. to around 37 c.e.)
I have previously suggested that the Josephan figure of Judas the Galilean, and his two sons, reflect the historical figures of Aristobulus II and his two sons, Alexander and Antigonus. History remembered rather than simply being misplaced. (Aristobulus II poisoned in 49 b.c., Alexander beheaded in 48/47 b.c., and Antigonus crucified and beheaded in 37 b.c.) Josephus placing the crucifixion of the two sons of Judas the Galilean around 40 years from 6 c.e. (time of Tiberius Julius Alexander 46/48 c.e.)
Indeed, it's very easy to take Josephus at face value. But that approach won't take one very far in searching for the early Jewish roots of christian origins. All that is achieved is to muddy the waters for historical research. Josephus was a Hasmonean/Jewish historian. Retelling his people's history, remembering that history under Roman occupation, necessitated that remembrance be muted. Storytelling was a way to achieve that remembrance without provoking Roman censure.