... the language of the "eschatological," used to refer euphemistically to Jesus' death, resurrection, and the experience of the spirit, must be abandoned as the starting point of scholarly discourse about the beginnings of Christianity. Eschatological language does not express a hard-won category of critical scholarship, but is a self-evident, mystifying notion which serves to maintain a theological claim that "guarantees the uniqueness of early Christianity by locating its novelty beyond data and debate."
We desperately need a critical review of the relationship of the conventional picture of Christian origins (traditionally accepted as authoritative history) to the myths of Christian origins that the biblical texts provide. Such a review is urgent: to continue to imagine the origins of Christianity the same way as Eusebius, governed by Luke's fiction of the genesis and growth of the church, is no longer constructive. If progress is to be made in reconstructing the formative history of Christianity, alternative explanations will have to be given, based on sophisticated theories, supported by detailed descriptions, not restricted to alleged originating moments, and advanced for different academic ends.
A single shift in perspective can launch a new beginning in early Christian studies, by replacing the age-old preoccupation with the dramatic quest for a singular genesis with a fresh, disciplined focus upon the social history and imaginative labor documented by the texts. Such a shift would not only afford scholars the opportunity to produce "thicker" descriptions" of the various movements that make up the Christian tradition. It would also enable them to introduce into the discussion other, "apocryphal" texts often rejected and long neglected by scholarship. from the rich archives of ancient Christian literature.
But the focus of this initiative would be to understand, not the supposed generative experiences, but the social and intellectual occasions for imagining such beginnings. To investigate the reasons for constructing Christian myths, and to position early Christian texts and traditions at the intersection of complex literary and social histories, would be to explore the activities of late antique religious groups as human achievements of cultural significance appropriate for the times. In this respect, a reorientation of early Christian studies as a discipline cannot be accomplished by accumulating more data and then reducing it all to variations of habituated patterns of thought. No. "What is required" are theoretical advances that take seriously "the development of a [descriptive] discourse of 'difference,' a complex term" which, Jonathan Z. Smith has taught us, "invites negotiation, classification and comparison, and, at the same time, avoids too easy a discourse of the 'same'." For in the study of religion, as in any historical discipline, "the greatest impediment to scientific innovation is usually a conceptual lock, not a factual lack."
If alternative origins for Christianity are to be reconstructed, we will have to conceive of a different way to describe the rationales of identifiable communities who documented their beginnings by appealing to Jesus, but who did not necessarily imagine his death (and resurrection) as the decisive moment in the founding of the Christian church.
The Gospel of Thomas raises the critical issue of the historical construction of Christianity, for it is a document from the early period that has been either treated in isolation or simply ignored by most biblical scholars because its account of Christian beginnings does not square with the conventional picture gathered from the writings of the New Testament. The effects of subordinating the Gospel of Thomas to the canonical gospels are especially pernicious, in that Thomas is not taken seriously as a gospel worthy of study in its own right, but is reduced to the status of a textual variant in the history of the synoptic tradition. Whenever Thomas has been discussed, moreover, it invariably has been interpreted according to the prevailing model of Christian origins, even though it recognizes other factors at work in the social formation of its community. Accordingly, Thomas presents a direct challenge to the established construction of the formation of the church.
The Gospel of Thomas is a venerable document ... [it] was read widely in antiquity: the existence of "three different copies of the Greek text made at different times...in the third century"77 is proof of the regard that early Christians accorded this gospel ..//.. Eusebius...identifies a Gospel of Thomas in his list of writings rejected by the church (Hist. eccl. 3.25.6), and he appears to allude to a variant of Gos. Thom. 2, which is referred to as a "written oracle" allegedly used by the "Simonians" (Hist. eccl. 2.13.7).78
... any apparent references in Thomas to the traditional view of Christian origins will have to be assessed on their own terms, without recourse to a kerygmatic imagination, and independently of the dramatic events thought to be essential to the construction of Christian origins ...
... Thomas documents an alternate rationale sufficient to account for its beginnings. Methodologically, therefore, any claim to a single point of origination for Christianity, based on Eusebius, Luke-Acts, or some other textual tradition, will have to be rejected ...
The Gospel of Thomas cannot be explained as a variation of the Christian myth constructed by Luke and canonized by Eusebius. Its challenge to the conventional view of Christian origins is therefore clear. Rather than resurrecting illusory origins or awaiting apocalyptic ends, we are invited to enter into a different world of imaginative discourse, in which an independent group of...people invested its energies in building an interesting, alternate social formation. Thomas challenges the habituated assumptions and patterns of privilege granted the writings of the New Testament. They have no claim to special historical status. With texts like the Gospel of Thomas finally coming into view, our construction of the beginnings of Christianity will now have to be revised.
77 Joseph A. Fitzmyer, "The Oxyrhynehus Logoi ofJesus and the Coptic Gospel According to Thomas," in idem, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New Testament (SBLSBS 5; Missaula, MT: Scholars Press, 1974) 362
78 See Grant, Eusebius as Church Historian, 137, who notes that "Eusebius speaks of the greater secrets of the Simonians and says that he who first hears of them will be astonished and 'according to a written oracle of theirs will marvel' " (τόν πρώτον έπαχούσαντα έχπλαγήσεσθαι χαί χατά τι αύτοίς λόγιον έγγραφον θαμβωθήσεσθαι, Hist. eccl. 2.13.7; cf. Gos. Heb. frg. 4)
Ron Cameron 'Alternative Beginnings - Different ends: Eusebius, Thomas, and the Construction of Christian Origins' in Religious Propaganda and Missionary Competition in the New Testament World: Essays Honoring Dieter Georgi, Novum Testamentum, Supplements, Vol. 74; editors: Lukas Bormann, Kelly Del Tredici, and Angela Standhartinger; Brill, 1994: pp.501-25 - specifically pp.517-25.