Then let's recap what each of us is saying. Here is SA:
There are three layers to Against Heresies [Against Marcion -PK] and the further (i.e. most original) layer compared Marcion's gospel to a gospel harmony (which is exactly what we see in Ephrem's Commentary) on a gospel harmony.
Justin didn't use the Pauline letters. The first substantial orthodox interest in Paul is shown by Irenaeus. Take a guess who is the earliest person associated with a Galatians-first Pauline canon? Answer: Irenaeus. He is so referenced by Anastasius of Sinai.
Irenaeus also says he will demonstrate Marcion's error in his Against Marcion (now lost) by arguing from the portions Luke he still retains. That's how Against Marcion looks to me.
So there are several parts to these claims:As such I identify the three layers of Against Marcion mentioned at the beginning of Book One as:
Justin (edition 1)
Irenaeus (edition 2)
Tertullian (edition 3)
(1) Tertullian's Against Marcion was based on Irenaeus when it comes to Paul.
(2) Tertullian's Against Marcion was based on Irenaeus in some places when it compares to Luke.
(3) Tertullian's Against Marcion in its oldest layer is based on Justin when it compares to not-Luke (a gospel harmony).
(4) Tertullian's Against Marcion, in its reference to three editions, is talking about Justin and Irenaeus.
These are in descending order of probability or plausibility. I have no problem agreeing to (1) although I'm not sure if I can prove it. I'm just not sure about (2), especially because so many different people are known to have written against Marcion, but it is possible to explore. I disagree with (3) because I think the author regarded the not-Luke text as scripture, and I think Justin did not. (4) is just implausible. Given that I don't accept the idea that that Against Marcion refers to an earlier two editions by Justin and Irenaeus, I explain Tertullian's references to comparison to not-Luke by way of unmediated access to a different, non-Irenaeus source that compared the Gospel to not-Luke.
SA's idea is very specific and also implausible in its details. It's difficult to know who exactly wrote the lost works on which Tertullian now depends. While I have recognized and repeatedly referred to the idea that Tertullian was using an earlier Greek Against Marcion text when writing about the Gospel and comparing it to not-Luke (always a text in Matthew), I attach less importance to speculating about who wrote that text.
So consider two points that count against making these very specific claims. (1) Many people wrote against Marcion before Tertullian, and these texts are all lost, so it's almost impossible to pin down which text was being used, other than perhaps to eliminate a few suspects. (2) Tertullian wrote all three editions of his Latin Against Marcion, so Tertullian wasn't reworking a (different person's) second edition that had embedded references from a (third person's) first edition.
Look at all these different authors who wrote against Marcion before Tertullian:
And consider this as a better explanation of the different editions of Tertullian's Against Marcion:MrMacSon wrote: ↑Wed Jun 07, 2023 11:19 pmWow! Eusebius gives the game awaySecret Alias wrote: ↑Wed Jun 07, 2023 8:24 pm
Our friend Markus Vinzent acknowledges Irenaeus completed the work too:
No other teacher in the history of the Church until Martin Luther than Marcion received already during his lifetime and still after his death a comparable literary response.53 Here follows a list of these responses in the order of their appearance during the second century only:
– Justin Martyr (Rom), To Marcion (πρὸς Μαρκίωνα σύνταγμα) (before 151);54
– An unknown Asian Presbyter of Rome;.
– Dionysius of Corinth, Letter to Nicomedia (ca. 171);55
– Philippus of Gortyna (Crete), Against Marcion (κατὰ Μαρκίωνος λόγος) (ca. 171/2);56
– Theophilus of Antioch, Against Marcion (κατὰ Μαρκίωνος λόγος) (ca. 169–183);57
– Irenaeus of Lyon, Against Marcion (κατὰ Μαρκίωνος λόγος) (before 177);58
– Rhodo (Rom), To (or) On Marcion’s School (πρὸς τὴν Μαρκίωνος αἵρεσιν) (180–192);59
– Modestus, Against Marcion (κατὰ Μαρκίωνος λόγος);60
– Bardesanes of Syria, On Marcion’s dialogues (πρὸς τοὺς κατὰ Μαρκίωνα … διαλόγους σύγγραμμα);61
– Hippolytus of Rome, To Marcion (πρὸς Μαρκίωνα).62
As this impressive list shows, many of the theologians of the second century of standing engaged with Marcion.
53 See Bart D. Ehrman, The Orthodox Corruption of Scripture (Oxford 1993: 22011), 216: “No other heretic evoked such vitriol or, interestingly enough, proved so instrumental for counter-developments within orthodoxy.”
54 See Euseb., Hist. eccl. 4.18.9. Interestingly, and guided by his view of Justin’s position with regards to Marcion, in: ib. 4.11.8 he alters the title to κατὰ Μαρκίωνος σύγγραμμα.
55 See ib., 4.23.4.
56 See ib., 4.25.
57 See ib., 4.24.
58 See ib., 4.25; 5.8.9.
59 Ib., 5.13.
60 See ib., 4.25.
61 See ib., 4.30.1.
62 See ib., 4.22.1
https://www.academia.edu/31939279/Marci ... ristianity
Re
54 See Euseb., Hist. eccl. 4.18.9. Interestingly, and guided by his view of Justin’s position with regards to Marcion, in: ib. 4.11.8 he alters the title to κατὰ Μαρκίωνος σύγγραμμα.
Euseb., Hist. eccl. 4.18.9:
And the discourses of the man were thought so worthy of study even by the ancients, that Irenæus quotes his words: for instance, in the fourth book of his work 'Against Heresies,' where he writes as follows: "And Justin well says in his work against Marcion, that he would not have believed the Lord himself if he had preached another God besides the Creator"; and again in the fifth book of the same work he [Irenaeus] says: "And Justin well said that before the coming of the Lord, Satan never dared to blaspheme God, because he did not yet know his condemnation."
and Euseb., Hist. eccl. 4.11.8-11:
8. But Justin was especially prominent in those days. In the guise of a philosopher he preached the divine word, and contended for the faith in his writings. He wrote also a work against Marcion, in which he states that the latter was alive at the time he wrote.
9. He speaks as follows: "And there is a certain Marcion of Pontus, who is even now still teaching his followers to think that there is some other God greater than the Creator. And by the aid of the demons he has persuaded many of every race of men to utter blasphemy, and to deny that the maker of this universe is the father of Christ, and to confess that some other, greater than he, was the creator. And all who followed them are, as we have said, called Christians, just as the name of philosophy is given to philosophers, although they may have no doctrines in common."
10. To this he adds: "And we have also written a work against all the heresies that have existed, which we will give you if you wish to read it."
11. But this same Justin contended most successfully against the Greeks, and addressed discourses containing an Apology for our faith to the Emperor Antoninus, called Pius, and to the Roman senate. For he lived at Rome. But who and whence he was he shows in his Apology in the following words [Chapter 12: the first sentence of Justin's 1st Apology.].
Re 55 ib., 4.23.4:
And there is extant another epistle of his [Dionysius of Corinth] addressed to the Nicomedians, in which he attacks the heresy of Marcion, and stands fast by the canon of the truth. https://www.newadvent.org/fathers/250104.htm
Re 56 ib., 4.25:
Philipa who, as we learn from the words of Dionysius,a was bishop of the parish of Gortyna, likewise wrote a most elaborate work against Marcion, as did also Irenæus and Modestus. The last named has exposed the error of the man more clearly than the rest to the view of all. There are a number of others also whose works are still presented by a great many of the brethren. https://www.newadvent.org/fathers/250104.htm
a 4.23.5:
Writing also to the church that is in Gortyna, together with the other parishes in Crete, he commends their bishop Philip, because of the many acts of fortitude which are testified to as performed by the church under him, and he warns them to be on their guard against the aberrations of the heretics. https://www.newadvent.org/fathers/250104.htm
Re 57 ib., 4.24:
2. And as the heretics, no less then than at other times, were like tares, destroying the pure harvest of apostolic teaching, the pastors of the churches everywhere hastened to restrain them as wild beasts from the fold of Christ, at one time by admonitions and exhortations to the brethren, at another time by contending more openly against them in oral discussions and refutations, and again by correcting their opinions with most accurate proofs in written works.
3. And that Theophilus also, with the others, contended against them, is manifest from a certain discourse of no common merit written by him against Marcion. This work too, with the others of which we have spoken, has been preserved to the present day.
https://www.newadvent.org/fathers/250104.htm
.
Re 58 ib., 4.25 [see just above]; 5.8.9:
5.8.9:And he refers to Justin the Martyr, and to Ignatius, using testimonies also from their writings. Moreover, he promises to refute Marcion from his own writings, in a special work. https://www.newadvent.org/fathers/250105.htm
[hr[/hr]
Re 59 Ib., 5.13.
1. At this time Rhodo, a native of Asia, who had been instructed, as he himself states, by Tatian, with whom we have already become acquainted, having written several books, published among the rest one against the heresy of Marcion. He says that this heresy was divided in his time into various opinions; and while describing those who occasioned the division, he refutes accurately the falsehoods devised by each of them.
2. But hear what he writes:
Therefore also they disagree among themselves, maintaining an inconsistent opinion. For Apelles, one of the herd, priding himself on his manner of life and his age, acknowledges one principle, but says that the prophecies are from an opposing spirit, being led to this view by the responses of a maiden by name Philumene, who was possessed by a demon.
3. But others, among whom are Potitus and Basilicus, hold to two principles, as does the mariner Marcion himself.
4. These following the wolf of Pontus, and, like him, unable to fathom the division of things, became reckless, and without giving any proof asserted two principles. Others, again, drifting into a worse error, consider that there are not only two, but three natures. Of these, Syneros is the leader and chief, as those who defend his teaching say.
5. The same author writes that he engaged in conversation with Apelles. He speaks as follows:
For the old man Apelles, when conversing with us, was refuted in many things which he spoke falsely; whence also he said that it was not at all necessary to examine one's doctrine, but that each one should continue to hold what he believed. For he asserted that those who trusted in the Crucified would be saved, if only they were found doing good works. But as we have said before, his opinion concerning God was the most obscure of all. For he spoke of one principle, as also our doctrine does.
6. Then, after stating fully his own opinion, he adds:
When I said to him, Tell me how you know this or how can you assert that there is one principle, he replied that the prophecies refuted themselves, because they have said nothing true; for they are inconsistent, and false, and self-contradictory. But how there is one principle he said that he did not know, but that he was thus persuaded.
7. As I then adjured him to speak the truth, he swore that he did so when he said that he did not know how there is one unbegotten God, but that he believed it. Thereupon I laughed and reproved him because, though calling himself a teacher, he knew not how to confirm what he taught.
8. In the same work, addressing Callistio, the same writer acknowledges that he had been instructed at Rome by Tatian. And he says that a book of Problems had been prepared by Tatian, in which he promised to explain the obscure and hidden parts of the divine Scriptures. Rhodo himself promises to give in a work of his own solutions of Tatian's problems. There is also extant a Commentary of his on the Hexæmeron.
9. But this Apelles wrote many things, in an impious manner, of the law of Moses, blaspheming the divine words in many of his works, being, as it seemed, very zealous for their refutation and overthrow.
So much concerning these.
https://www.newadvent.org/fathers/250105.htm
.
And consider this as indicating that Tertullian was working from at least one source that is neither Justin nor Irenaeus:Peter Kirby wrote: ↑Wed Jun 07, 2023 9:39 pmNothing I have previously written against Marcion is any longer my concern. I am embarking upon a new work to replace an old one. My first edition, too hurriedly produced, I afterwards withdrew, substituting a fuller treatment. This also, before enough copies had been made, was stolen from me by a brother, at that time a Christian but afterwards an apostate, who chanced to have copied out some extracts very incorrectly, and shewed them to a group of people. Hence the need for correction. The opportunity provided by this revision has moved me to make some additions. Thus this written work, a third succeeding a second, and instead of third from now on the first, needs to begin by reporting the demise of the work it supersedes, so that no one may be perplexed if in one place or another he comes across varying forms of it.
This tells us four things:
(1) the second edition was "a fuller treatment"
(2) someone made extracts from the second edition
(3) the third edition "made some additions"
(4) Tertullian expects that someone may come across various forms of it
None of this admits of any natural reading that does not have Tertullian as author of all three editions.
At the end of book one, we have this:
So much concerning Marcion's god. Our postulate that deity necessarily implies unity, as well as the limitations of Marcion's god's character, prove him entirely non-existent. The continuation of my treatise as a whole follows closely upon this fact. So then if anyone thinks I have accomplished too little, let him wait for what is kept in reserve until its proper time, as well as for my discussion of those scriptures which Marcion makes uses.
At the start of book two, we have this notice:
The fortunes of this work have been described in the preface to Book I. The opportunity of revision gives me this further advantage, that in the discussion of two gods, in opposition to Marcion, I am now able to assign to each of them a separate book with its distinctive heading: for so does the subject-matter naturally divide.
This refers to the preface, so it belongs to the third edition. As such, it was the third edition that divided Books I and II. So the conclusion to Book I also belongs to the third edition, meaning that the reference to delaying "discussion of those scriptures which Marcion makes uses" belongs to the third edition.
What other notices can we find of deferring discussion? In book 3, we have:
Certainly when he himself described himself as the Son of man, this was a claim to have been born. For the moment—so that I may defer all these matters until I come to assess the evidence of the gospel—
Since I have thought it well that Marcion's own gospel should be brought under discussion, I shall defer until then my treatment of various aspects of his teaching and miracles, as for the matter then in hand.
These references are to taking up a treatment of the gospel, which (unlike "those scriptures") doesn't also refer to Paul.
The conclusion of the second book says this:
To sum up: I shall by means of these antitheses recognize in Christ my own jealous God. He did in the beginning by his own right, by a hostility which was rational and therefore good, provide beforehand for the maturity and fuller ripeness of the things which were his. His antitheses are in conformity with his own world: for it is composed and regulated by elements contrary to each other, yet in perfect proportion. Therefore, most thoughtless Marcion, you ought rather to have shown that there is one god of light and another of darkness: after that you would have found it easier to persuade us that there is one god of kindness and another of severity. In any case, the antithesis, or opposition, will belong to that God in whose world it is to be found.
The references to summing up and the claim to have written the true antitheses suggest that this is an earlier conclusion.
The conclusion of the fourth book says this:
I have, I think, fulfilled my promise. I have set before you Jesus as the Christ of the prophets in his doctrines, his judgements, his affections, his feelings, his miracles, his sufferings, as also in his resurrection, none other than the Christ of the Creator. And so again, when sending forth his apostles to preach to all the nations, he fulfilled the psalm by his instruction that their sound must go out into all the world and their words unto the ends of the earth. I am sorry for you, Marcion: your labour has been in vain. Even in your gospel Christ Jesus is mine.
There's some finality in the rhetoric suggesting it could have been an earlier conclusion to the work.
The conclusion of the fifth book says this:
Take note, examiner, that the matters discussed in the previous part of this treatise I have now proved from the apostle's writings, and have completed such parts as were reserved for the present work. So then you are not to think superfluous the repetition by which I have confirmed my original intention, nor are you to doubt the legitimacy of the delay from which I have at length rescued these subjects. If your examination covers the whole work, you will censure neither superfluity in the present nor lack of conviction in the past.
The references to "now," "the present work," "the present," and "the past" marks out the fifth book on the apostle as an addition.
So I'm now led to this hypothesis:
First Edition: in one book, presents the material that would become books I and II
Second Edition: added books III and IV (where III refers in anticipation to IV), other edits
Third Edition: added prologue, split books I and II, added ending to I and intro to II, added book V, other edits
This would also help explain the fact that book IV retains so many muddled indications comparing Marcion's Gospel to Matthew, given that Irenaeus regarded Marcion's Gospel as a version of Luke. The explanation is that, in book IV, Tertullian was relying on some other Against Marcion besides the one written by Irenaeus. When it came time to write Book V, only then would Tertullian have been familiar with the Against Marcion from Irenaeus, with its attempt to discuss the "scriptures" that Marcion uses, including Paul.
And this:Peter Kirby wrote: ↑Thu Jun 01, 2023 9:34 am In favor of Justin: nothing really. Justin does not show clear knowledge of canonical Matthew. Justin does show knowledge and use of various texts, with none of the later concern for that which is apocryphal. Justin knows of narratives that disagree with Matthew, using them with no concern. Justin does not regard these texts as scripture, thus making it difficult to imagine him being overly concerned with their exact text. Justin instead focuses on the traditional scriptures. This method of proof is seen in the Dialogue and influences Tertullian's first revision of the Latin Against Marcion, which consists of two books, our 1 and 3. Justin's stamp is on book 3, although it has itself received revisions in Tertullian's second and third versions.
In favor of Theophilus of Antioch: everything. Theophilus quotes solely from Matthew as "the Gospel." Theophilus includes John among the "writings," as in the "prophets and the writings," in addition to the Law. Theophilus doesn't quote from Mark (which must have existed, if Markan priority over Matthew is true) or Luke. Theophilus wrote a well-regarded work in Greek "Against Marcion," as referenced by Eusebius. The location of Antioch is consistent with use of Matthew (thought to be written there), docetic ideas (Serapion his predecessor and the Gospel of Peter), and Marcionite thought (given the examples it in the Syrian east).
In favor of Irenaeus of Lyons: precious little. The hypothesis requires an earlier stage of thought for Irenaeus never witnessed in his writings. Irenaeus is of the opinion that Marcion used Luke (not Matthew). Irenaeus proposes a fourfold Gospel. Irenaeus quotes from Matthew most often but Luke second most and nearly as much. All the criticism that applies (mutatis mutandis) to condemn Luke as well as gMarcion would be daft from the view of a fourfold Gospel. Irenaeus himself seems busier with Valentinians.
So I am thinking that Theophilus would necessarily compare the Gospel of Marcion to Matthew, since he regards Matthew as "the Gospel" and wrote "Against Marcion." This much is evident. The other candidates are not evident, and from what is known of those authors, such an approach did not fit their authorial aims.
With reference to this article from Cosgrove, to the effect that Justin didn't regard the gospel(s) as scripture: viewtopic.php?p=155746#p155746Peter Kirby wrote: ↑Sun Jun 04, 2023 1:41 pm And this shows once more that Tertullian is not comparing canonical Luke with a copy of the Gospel used by Marcionites. Given that the comparison is inconsistent with Tertullian's stated aims but consistent with the aims of an earlier Greek Against Marcion that may have regarded Matthew (or possibly - it must be admitted - a text like a harmony that has the same wording as Matthew) as the yardstick for comparison with this Gospel, this is likely inherited from such a source like the ones we know Justin and Theophilus wrote.
This reference from Tertullian in Against Marcion, Book 4 to a gospel simply as scriptum is interesting. This reference is in the context of a claim most likely inherited from a source, specifically an earlier Greek Against Marcion, whether Justin or Theophilus. The equivalent Greek word is "scripture" or "writing" (γραφή), something we never find Justin using with reference to a gospel (as recently explored with reference to Cosgrove's 1982 article "Justin Martyr and the Emerging Christian Canon"). We do find this word repeatedly in Theophilus, especially in his book 3 of To Autolycus, where he set out to refute those "considering them to be recent and novel, the writings among us" (παρ' ἡμῖν γραφάς). In the previous book, Theophilus quoted from the prologue of John (attributing it to John), and, in this book, he quotes words from Matthew as "the Gospel" and "voice of the Gospel." Most significantly, he yokes together "the prophets and the gospels" as both inspired by the one Spirit of God as the law also is: "Moreover, concerning the righteousness which the law enjoined, confirmatory utterances are found both with the prophets and in the Gospels, because they all spoke inspired by one Spirit of God." We can conclude that Theophilus would have regarded both gospels of John and Matthew as "scripture" (γραφή), translated scriptum in Latin. This tends to indicate the likelihood that the Greek Against Marcion upon which Tertullian depended was the well-regarded one written by Theophilus of Antioch. This Greek Against Marcion from Theophilus was known both to Eusebius (Church History 4.24.3) and Jerome (Lives of Illustrious Men 25).
It is certainly true that:
As I've shown at length in this thread. And possibly multiple lost works. At least one of them not being Irenaeus.
But that doesn't make SA's idea correct, if you understand everything he's saying.