New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2023)

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nightshadetwine
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New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2023)

Post by nightshadetwine »

This is a book by Donghyun Jeong that came out recently on initiation rituals in Paul and the mystery cults. It's pretty good overall but there are a few things I disagree with and want to comment on. The following is taken from the conclusion at the end of the book. I have bolded the parts I will be commenting on:
In this book, I have demonstrated that baptism in the Pauline communities is a ritual analogous to mystery initiation. Both the initiation rituals of the mysteries and baptismal ritual practiced in the Pauline groups are informed by similar socio-cultural understandings of how initiation constructs divine-human and intra-human/social relationships. Secondly, I have argued that Paul is an innovative interpreter of ritual who recalibrates the messages of preexisting rituals for his theological and ethical program, seeking to radically extend the implications of initiation to the social reality within his Christ-cult groups and the embodied life of every Christ-believer. Thirdly, I have argued that Paul recentralizes religious virtuosity by incorporating the pattern of baptismal initiation into his own apostolic existence.

Baptism in Paul’s mid-first century communities shares a certain type of ritual messages with the initiation rituals of the Dionysiac mysteries and the mysteries of Isis. In terms of self-referential messages (or the benefits promised by initiation), baptism was primarily an entry ritual into Paul’s Christ groups (largely consisting of Christ-devotees from pagan backgrounds) in a way similar to the initiation rituals of the mysteries. These rituals of initiation transform individual and communal identity (intra-human relationships are formed), and accordingly create boundaries and norms for the group by which they can identify themselves. Significantly, both Christ-baptism and mystery initiation communicate the self-referential message that ritual participation creates a personalized, trustworthy bond between the deity and devotee(s). As an extension of this bond, the divine pledge of a blessed afterlife (though what this entails might differ) for the devotees is often communicated as part of the promise of initiation, as baptism communicated eschatological promise...

This enables one to see how early Christ baptism participated in the pattern of mystery initiation. Canonical messages about the suffering of the deity (Dionysus, Isis, Christ), the deity’s nearness to the devotees (Dionysus, Christ) as well as sympathy/mercy (Isis, Christ), and the identification (or some type of unity) between the deity and the devotees based on the logic of metonymy (Dionysus, Isis, Christ) are found, mutatis mutandis, in both the mysteries and the description of baptism in the Pauline letters. The emphasis on the devotees’ faith/trust in the deity (in addition to the ritual activity itself ), their right understanding of the meaning of ritual, and as mentioned above, their ethical behavior to maintain order within the cultic community appear in all three groups. This is not surprising given the reciprocal process: one’s participation in and acceptance of ritual (this is part of the self-referential message) gives the canonical order its very existence, which guarantees the efficacy of the benefits promised by the ritual and generates the participant’s obligations. Finally, cultic initiation by definition signifies some form of religious virtuosity, but when compared to the Eleusinian mysteries (where differentiated stages of initiation are found), the two mystery cults examined here have more in common with Pauline baptism. With its emphasis on the figure of Dionysus as an archetypal initiate who powerfully enables his devotees to become like this deity, Dionysiac initiation provided a more “democratized” version of virtuosity, accessible to all initiates, although rules of order and diverse roles are still found within Dionysiac groups. While some differentiation among initiates is detected in Isis initiation (e.g., as seen in Apuleius’s Metamorphoses), a consideration of material culture suggests that the mysteries of Isis also developed a symbolic order where a larger group of initiates shared sacerdotal identity.

Since this overall contour of ritual messages was not unique to Christ-baptism and Paul’s baptism discourse, pagans in the first-century Mediterranean world who were familiar with how the Dionysiac mysteries or the mysteries of Isis worked would easily understand what ritual messages baptism communicated. Baptism fits the cognitive pattern of mystery initiation attested among pagans in Pauline cities. To be clear, this analogical relationship of ritual messages does not mean that Christ-baptism directly originated from the initiation rituals of the mysteries, or that Paul’s theology of baptism was dependent on the (abstracted) theology of the mystery cults. Throughout key passages in his letters, Paul as an interpreter and mythographer of the earliest phase of the Christ cult engages and expands the images and messages of baptism. On one hand, as seen above, baptism in Paul’s communities can be understood in light of the analogical framework of the mysteries. On the other hand, Paul developed distinctive messages of baptism that look different from initiation in the Dionysiac and Isis mysteries, although the differences are primarily of degree, rather than kind.

Fourth, the notion of “dying and rising with Christ through baptism” (in Rom 6)—a perennial theme in previous scholarship—can be briefly revisited. In Rom 5–8, one can see how Paul’s view of baptism evolved through his interactions with several types of pre-existing traditions (e.g., pre-Pauline baptismal tradition, LXX tradition, apocalyptic tradition) and with ritual innovations emerging from his Christ groups. Paul’s extended discourse on baptism in these chapters theologizes baptism as a revelatory space where the conquest of the cosmic problem of death through Christ’s death is enacted on individual believers’ body with renewed life animated by the Spirit of the risen Christ. It is true that Isis and Dionysus experienced suffering, and a part of their ritual messages includes a shared identity between the deity and the initiates. However, the precise connection between the cosmic nature of death, the death of the deity to address that issue, and initiates’ participation in this deity’s death/burial through ritual is a peculiar blend that does not appear in the mysteries of Dionysus and the Isis mysteries. Thus, as scholars of the Moratorium stage correctly argued, Paul’s presentation of baptism as dying and rising with Christ is not a reason to claim that Pauline baptism is dependent on the pagan mysteries. To the ex-pagans in Paul’s groups, Paul’s message of baptism as dying and rising with Christ would be a point that makes this ritual more distinctive from the other mystery initiations.
So the two main parts of this quote I'm going to comment on are:

1. "However, the precise connection between the cosmic nature of death, the death of the deity to address that issue, and initiates’ participation in this deity’s death/burial through ritual is a peculiar blend that does not appear in the mysteries of Dionysus and the Isis mysteries... To the ex-pagans in Paul’s groups, Paul’s message of baptism as dying and rising with Christ would be a point that makes this ritual more distinctive from the other mystery initiations"

2. "To be clear, this analogical relationship of ritual messages does not mean that Christ-baptism directly originated from the initiation rituals of the mysteries, or that Paul’s theology of baptism was dependent on the (abstracted) theology of the mystery cults"

I will show that the idea of ritually dying and resurrecting with Christ isn't actually unique to Paul's description of baptism, it's very similar to the Egyptian mortuary ritual where the deceased is said to die and resurrect like Osiris, and that it's very likely that the initiates in the Isis mysteries and the Dionysus mysteries perform a ritual death and rebirth/resurrection in emulation of a deity's death and resurrection/rebirth. To be clear, I'm not saying everything in Paul is influenced by mystery cults. Obviously his Jewish background is an important influence on his theology. I'm saying that Paul (like the other authors of the NT texts) is bringing concepts found in other Greco-Roman cults into a Jewish context.

The following is a list of concepts found in Paul's theology that are comparable to the Egyptian mortuary cult and other mystery cults. A lot of these concepts are found in pre-Christian Jewish texts and theology but there are some important things missing from the Jewish context. As far as I'm aware, Jews didn't worship a deity that experiences and conquers death. They didn't perform rituals where they identified with a deity's death and resurrection. These concepts are:

* Ritual identification with a deity that experiences and conquers death. This deity usually goes through some type of suffering as already mentioned in the above quote from Donghyun Jeong's book.

* Paul says Jesus was the first to experience and conquer death. He's a model or prototype for his followers. His followers will conquer death and be "glorified" just as he had. Osiris was also said to be the first to experience and conquer death. He's a model or prototype for his followers. His followers will conquer death and be "glorified" just as he had.

* Paul says Christians are "crucified with Christ" just like the deceased is depicted as being dismembered like Osiris in the Egyptian mortuary ritual. Both are then raised to new life in emulation of Jesus and Osiris.

* Baptism is a ritual immersion in water. In the Egyptian ritual, the deceased is put in a basin and water is poured over the corpse. The water purification ritual was often associated with the sun god's immersion in the primordial waters of the underworld before he is reborn/resurrected. In both baptism and the Egyptian primordial waters of the underworld the persons old identity is exchanged for a new one. Osiris was also thrown into the Nile waters before he was found and raised to new life. The Nile waters were said to have flowed from Osiris's wounds (cf. gJohn where water flows out of Jesus's wound) and were also associated with the primordial waters. In the initiation of Lucius into the Isis cult he is bathed. There's evidence of water basins that were used by the Isis cult. Paul's ritual of baptism seems to combine water purification rituals with the death and rebirth/resurrection ritual.

* Paul talks about being "perfected" and associates perfection with morality. The resurrected deceased in the Egyptian mortuary ritual is said to be "perfected" and this perfection is associated with morality. Sin = death in both Paul and the Egyptian mortuary cult.

* Paul talks about being "justified" and passing judgement. Being "justified" and passing judgement is also found in the Egyptian mortuary ritual. Jesus becomes a savior and judge just like Osiris. In both traditions there is a "second death" for those who don't pass judgement.

* Paul says Jesus was the "first born" of many. He also describes Christians as being "reborn" in baptism. Christians are reborn as children of God. After the Egyptian mortuary ritual is completed, the deceased is transfigured, resurrected, and reborn. The deceased is said to be reborn out of the womb of the sky goddess as a divine being (cf. John 3:3-7 where Jesus states you must be born from above and through spirit). Rebirth and resurrection are interchangeable. Mystery cult initiations were considered to be a rebirth into a new life.

* Paul mentions the eucharist or "Lord's supper". The meal integrates the new initiate into the cult and forms a bond between the initiates and the deity. In the Egyptian mortuary ritual, the resurrected deceased receives bread and beer and eats meals with the gods and other divine beings in order to be integrated into the community of gods. Mystery cults also have some kind of meal that integrates the new initiate into the cult.

* Paul describes the resurrection body as glorified and associates it with "heavenly" or celestial bodies such as the sun and stars. The glorified resurrection body shines or is bright like the stars. The transfigured deceased in the Egyptian mortuary ritual is said to be "glorified" and transfigured into an "akh" which is associated with the heavenly and celestial bodies like the sun and stars. The "akh" shines or is bright like the stars.

* Paul compares death and resurrection to the planting and sprouting of a seed. Death and resurrection in ancient Egypt was compared to the planting and sprouting of seeds. The planting and sprouting of grains were an important symbol of death and resurrection/rebirth in the Eleusinian mysteries and the grapevine was an important symbol of resurrection/rebirth in the Dionysus mysteries (cf. gJohn where Jesus identifies himself with the grapevine). Grains and grapes sprout out of the body and blood of the sacrificial bull of the Mithras cult signifying life out of death.

* Paul says that after being resurrected and passing judgement, Christians will receive "incorruptible crowns". After being resurrected and passing through judgement, Osiris and all of the deceased are crowned. The initiates into the Isis mysteries, Eleusinian mysteries, and Dionysus mysteries are crowned after completing initiation and in the afterlife.

* Both Paul and the Egyptian mortuary texts describe death as an enemy that must be conquered. Paul describes a battle with God and Jesus on one side and Death and other enemies of God on the other. Paul says Jesus will put all of his enemies under his feet. In the Egyptian netherworld, Osiris and the sun god battle the enemies of Osiris and the sun god. One of these enemies is the serpent Apophis. Osiris is said to put his enemies under his feet. In Paul, this battle happens once at the end of time (comparable to Zoroastrian beliefs) while in Egyptian beliefs this battle happened every night when the sun god entered the netherworld. Interestingly, Egyptian texts describe nighttime as a deconstruction of the cosmos where there's a threat that everything will sink back into the primordial waters. The rising sun out of the primordial waters in the morning is described as a recreation/new creation of the cosmos.

* Both Paul and the Egyptian mortuary texts refer to the resurrection of life from death as a "mystery". The "mystery" of new life through death seems to be one of the most important themes in mystery cults.

* Paul describes God giving the resurrected and glorified Jesus rulership and power over cosmic forces. Paul also says that Jesus received "the name above every other name". In the Egyptian mortuary cult the resurrected and glorified person is given power and rulership by the god Re. The resurrected person also receives the name of Osiris. Isis and other mystery cult deities had power over cosmic forces.

I'm going to start with the Egyptian mortuary ritual. This ritual seems to be the first initiation ritual into some type of "mysteries". This mortuary ritual influenced the rituals of the later Isis mysteries and likely influenced other mystery cult initiations.

Diodorus Siculus, Library of Histories 1.96.4–6:
Orpheus, for instance, brought from Egypt most of his mystic ceremonies, the orgiastic rites that accompanied his wanderings, and his fabulous account of his experiences in Hades. For the rite of Osiris is the same as that of Dionysus and that of Isis very similar to that of Demeter, the names alone having been interchanged; and the punishments in Hades of the unrighteous, the Fields of the Righteous, and the fantastic conceptions, current among the many, which are figments of the imagination – all these were introduced by Orpheus in imitation of the Egyptian funeral customs.
So Diodorus Siculus says that the initiation rituals of the mysteries of Dionysus and Demeter are based on the Egyptian funeral customs. This seems like it might be accurate. Notice also that he mentions the judgement of the dead which is also found in the Egyptian mortuary cult. By joining the mystery cult you would be saved from punishments in the afterlife.

In the Egyptian religion, the two most important deities associated with death and resurrection were Osiris and the sun god (usually referred to as Re/Ra). They were the two deities that experienced and conquered death. During the Egyptian mortuary rituals, the deceased person was associated with either one of these deities or sometimes both. The ritual was a reenactment of their deaths and resurrections just like Paul's description of baptism. They were both "models" or "prototypes" (especially Osiris) for their followers just as Jesus is for Christians.

In the following quotes, I bolded parts that I think are comparable to concepts found in Paul's letters.

Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt (Cornell University Press, 2011), Jan Assmann:
“Salvation” and “eternal life” are Christian concepts, and we might think that the Egyptian myth can all too easily be viewed through the lens of Christian tradition. Quite the contrary, in my opinion, Christian myth is itself thoroughly stamped by Egyptian tradition, by the myth of Isis and Osiris, which from the very beginning had to do with salvation and eternal life...

We now understand why the embalming ritual had to portray the corpse not just as a lifeless body but as a dismembered one... The myth dramatized this condition, telling how Seth slew his brother Osiris, tore his body into pieces, and scattered his limbs throughout all of Egypt. In the embalming ritual, this myth was played out for each deceased person, even if he had in no way been killed and dismembered but rather had died a peaceful, natural death... This first phase was carried out in the name of purification. Everything “foul,” that is, everything perishable that could represent a danger to the goal of achieving an eternal form, was removed from the body. For this reason, in the few representations of the embalming ritual, this phase is represented as a purifying bath. The corpse lay “on” (that is, in) a basin, and water was poured over it. The Egyptian word for such a basin is Sj, “lake,” and such a “lake” is mentioned repeatedly in the accompanying spells, some of which we shall cite in chapter 5... In Egyptian mortuary belief, Osiris was the prototype of every deceased individual. Everyone would become Osiris in death and be endowed with life by Isis...

Without an active encounter with his enemy, Osiris cannot come back to life; this encounter is the decisive threshold he must cross in order to conquer death. With his public vindication against his enemy—that is, death as assassin—Osiris regains both rulership and life, for in this image of death, these two things are closely related. The crown that Osiris regains symbolizes eternal life and ultimate salvation from death... The ordinary deceased was a follower of Osiris, was called Osiris and compared to him, and became a member of his following. He came into possession not only of life but also of personal status and recognition. He bore the name of the god, along with his own titles and his personal name, as well as the epithet “justified/vindicated.” He smote Seth, which meant that he had conquered death... Through his victory over Seth in the lawsuit over the succession to the throne, and also through his acquittal in the Judgment of the Dead, the deceased, who had suffered the first death, was saved from the second, ultimate death... Guilt, accusation, enmity, and so forth are treated as forms of impurity and decay—as, so to say, immaterial but harmful substances—that must be eliminated so as to transpose the deceased into a condition of purity that can withstand decay and dissolution. Vindication was moral mummification... In this last stage of the mummification process, the deceased experienced the Judgment of the Dead and received the aristocratic status of a follower of Osiris in the netherworld. He was vindicated against all accusations and absolved of any and all guilt, of any sin that could hinder his transition into the next life...

With this increasing moralization, the afterlife became ever more ambivalent and threatening. It was divided not into a physical heaven and hell but into two aspects, one of which spelled annihilation for evildoers, and the other, salvation for the righteous... The guilt of the deceased was that which stood in the way of his transformation into the eternal form of a “transfigured ancestral spirit.” It was the Egyptian form of the Pauline concept, “the wages of sin is death” (Romans 6:23)... What mattered was whether he had lived righteously, already judging himself during life against the norms of the next world... If condemned, the deceased could not become a transfigured spirit; rather, he had to vanish from the created cosmos, and that was the second death...

Perhaps we are to understand this talk about bread that does not grow moldy and beer that does not grow sour quite literally, as an allusion to symbolic and thus imperishable representations of these offering items... The relationship between the offering meal and ascent to the sky, the latter being the sacramental explanation of the former, is one of the fundamentals of the Egyptian mortuary cult. The offering was the ritual framework for the image of death as transition. Spells that mention the deceased's passage from the realm of death, where the conditions of life are reversed, into the Elysian realm, where the order of eternal life prevails, have especially to do with eating and drinking... The nourishment to which he had a claim demonstrated that the deceased no longer belonged to that realm [of death] but rather had been called to life eternal. He strove for a share of this nourishment in the Elysian realm, and he ate of this nourishment in order to belong to it. Means and end intertwined, with the result that the deceased's food became the medium of his salvation from the realm of death (the aspect of salvation is clearly expressed by the verb sdj "to take out, rescue"). The offerings therefore had to be pure, for only thus did they belong to the realm of the gods, into which the deceased was integrated by receiving them. This initiatory, transformative aspect of taking nourishment is familiar to Christians through the ritual of Communion, though the latter rests on different traditions of offerings and sacred meals. The Egyptian rite of provisioning the dead was intended to integrate the deceased into the communal feasting of the gods and the transfigured ancestral spirits...

The concept of completion/perfection, Egyptian nfrw, not only had connotations of beauty, perfection, and imperishability but also, and above all, connotations of virtue and righteousness, of moral perfection and conformance with the norms of maat. From djet-time, there arose a moral perspective. Only good could continue unchangeably; evil, bad, uncleanliness, and imperfection were given over to perishability. The moral qualities of a result, that is, its conformance to maat, decided its imperishability... He who is vindicated in the Judgment of the Dead will “stride freely like the lords of eternity,” he will be accepted among the gods. He will thus not only enjoy continuance on earth but also immortality in the next world...

In the coffin, the vindicated deceased experiences a revelation of the great mother, the sky goddess, who incorporates him into herself for eternal regeneration. But the deceased encounters her in many forms, not just that of the coffin. She is the tomb, the necropolis, the West, and the realm of the dead; all the spaces that receive him, from the smallest to the largest, are manifestations of the womb into which the transfigured deceased enters...

The text in question deals with the initiation of Lucius into the mysteries of Isis, as related by Apuleius in his novel "The Golden Ass.” The scene is not Egypt but Cenchreae, the harbor of Corinth, where there was an Isis sanctuary. In the Hellenistic Isis religion, the goddess embodied her adherents’ hope for eternal life, and she brought a great deal from her Egyptian past to this role. It was she who had awakened Osiris to new life through the power of her magical spells. And since, according to Egyptian belief, every individual became an Osiris by means of the mortuary rituals, his hope for immortality depended on Isis as well. There is good reason to think that ancient Egyptian burial customs lived on in the Hellenistic Isis mysteries, though in the latter case, they were enacted and interpreted not as a burial of the deceased but as an initiation of the living... Lucius is initiated into the mysteries of the netherworld. He carries out the descensus of the sun god, descending into the netherworld and beholding the sun at midnight. With these sentences, we cannot help but think of the Books of the Netherworld that are to be found on the walls of the Ramesside royal tombs and in the Osireion at Abydos. We may imagine that the mystic was led into similarly decorated rooms—perhaps the crypts—of a temple. In any case, the process seems to be a symbolic journey through the netherworld, in which the netherworld is depicted, in an entirely Egyptian sense, as the subterranean realm of the midnight sun... When the day of the initiation finally comes, Lucius is first bathed (baptized), and the priest “expresses the forgiveness of the gods.” The bath thus has the sacramental sense of a remission of sins...

In accordance with the image of death as mystery, the deceased not only crossed over, or returned, to the netherworld, he was initiated into it. In their rubrics, many spells of the Book of the Dead identify themselves as initiations into the mysteries of the netherworld... Initiation into the mysteries of a deity entailed the deification of the mystic. “Conducting into the presence of” and “becoming” Osiris comprise precisely these two aspects of initiation into the mysteries of Osiris... I think it is essentially less risky to view the Books of the Netherworld and the guides to the world beyond as initiation literature... In any event, the Egyptian texts say one thing clearly enough: that all rituals, and especially those centered on Osiris and the sun god, were cloaked in mystery. And it is also clear that there is a relationship between initiation into these (ritual) mysteries and life in the next world... The image of death as return has led us to the mystery of the circuit of the sun god and his nightly renewal in the depths of the world. He is able to join the end to the beginning, so that each morning, he emerges from the realm of the dead rejuvenated and glorious, as on the “first occasion.” That this renewal is a mystery, and perhaps even the deepest mystery in Egyptian religion, is assured by the texts and representations that depict it. Unlike the images of death treated to this point, which occur in all the mortuary texts of all periods, the mystery of the nocturnal regeneration of the sun occurs in a single text genre, one that is thoroughly exclusive and cloaked in the aura of mystery: the texts in the royal tombs of the New Kingdom. For their part, these royal tombs were architectonic realizations of the mysterious, crypts where no human foot was to tread after the burial. Thus, the external fact of the place where it was represented already reveals that the renewal of the sun god in the depths of the world has to do with a mystery.
"Death and Initiation in the Funerary Religion of Ancient Egypt", Jan Assmann in Religion and Philosophy in Ancient Egypt (Yale Egyptological Studies 3, 1989):
The idea of interpreting the ritual and conceptual structure of the funerary religion of Ancient Egypt in the light of the anthropological topic of initiation is certainly not new... The general idea of "transition" underlying all concrete formulations of this theme is of ontic nature: it is conceived as a transformation from one state of being to another which the deceased must undergo. The Egyptian language has a specific word for this "other " state of being: "akh", which is usually rendered as "spirit " and "spirit-state. " The phonetic root (j)3h conveys the basic meanings of "light", "brightness" and "radiance." The feminine form Sht (akhet) designates that "radiant place" in the heavens where the sun rises and sets, but also the "land of the blessed" to which the deceased journey after death. "Radiant place," in the Old Kingdom, is also the name of the king's pyramid-tomb , an indication that his entombment is the prefiguration or the equivalent of his ascent to the heavens... Within this ontic distance between the "here " and "yonder," between visual and mythical reality, lies the initiatory and mystical character of the Egyptian funerary religion. The world of mythical reality stands for a certain knowledge, to which the deceased is initiated, for a cosmic sphere, to which he is transferred, and for a state of being, which he must attain. Let us distinguish, for the sake of clarity, between two variants found in the formulations and illustrations of the "passage" from this world to the next: firstly, those concerned primarily with the spatial aspect ("transition") and secondly, those presenting a more biomorphic model ("rebirth"). That both variants in no way exclude one another, but actually stand in a complementary relationship and in many way s overlap, needs no explanation...

In the context of the myth of Osiris, the dismemberment of the god's body has dual function and meaning, to which corresponds a dual tradition. Seth has not only killed his brother Osiris, but also, in a second act of violence, cut his corpse to pieces and thrown these into the water... This state now becomes the starting point of restorative acts, the goal of which is to cure the condition of death. The rejoining of the limbs of Osiris, found only after a long search, became the prototype for the "overcoming" of death and furnished the mythical precedent for embalment. Embalment and mummification, in the light of the myth of Osiris, are equated with the restoration of life to the body, which had by no means to be ritually dismembered beforehand, since its lifelessness alone was mythically interpreted as dismemberment... The embalming process, to which it refers, is related to the topic of initiation in manifold ways. It is conceived not so much as a preservation of the corpse, but rather as its transfiguration to a new body...

In accordance with the principle of "transfiguration," as the correlation of this world's symbolic objects and actions with yonder world of values and realities, the coffin becomes the body of the sky - and mother-goddess, thus enabling the "placing of the body in the coffin" to be transfigured into the ascent of the deceased to the heavens and the return to the mother-goddess. The sky-goddess is the Egyptian manifestation of the Great Mother. A central aspect of this belief is the fact that the Egyptians imagined the deceased as being the children of this Mother-of-all-Beings... The texts underline the indissolubility of this bond, or more precisely of the embrace into which the deceased, when laid in his coffin, enters with the sky - the mother-goddess, the goddess of the dead. The concept of rebirth, however, still plays an important role. "I shall bear thee anew, rejuvenated," exclaims the sky-goddess to the deceased in one of many such texts inscribed on or in nearly every coffin and tomb. "I have spread myself over thee, I have born thee again as a god." Through this rebirth, the deceased becomes a star-god, a member of the AKH-sphere, a new entity. This rebirth, however, does not imply a de-livery, a separation, but takes place inside the mother's womb, inside the coffin and sky... The deceased, now reborn through the sky-goddess as a god himself, is subsequently breast-fed by divine nurses and elevated to the heavens...

The gods live in a redistributive community, itself a projection of earthly society. Membership in this community is the only way for the deceased to partake of the sustenance of the gods; it is, on the other hand, the sharing in the divine nourishment which makes him a member of the community of gods. This specific motif appears repeatedly as a sacramental explanation in those spells concerned with the concrete action of eating and drinking, i.e. dealing with the reception of funerary offerings... Just to illustrate the point, let me quote the following passage from a funerary liturgy: "Thy bread is the bread of Re, thy beer is the beer of Hathor. Thou getst up and siteth down for thy meal and joinest the gods who follow the god (Re)." The means and the end are fully interchangeable: eating and drinking (a social act of paradigmatic significance) are the ideal concretizations of the desired social integration, while social integration inversely represents the prerequisite for sustenance in the hereafter...

"Justification" is the central concept of Egyptian funerary religion in which all aspects of the "overcoming of death" and of salvation in the next world come together... The structure of those funerary texts concerned with justification may be divided into a number of aspects. The deceased must justify himself: (a) with respect to the enemy (as the personification of death), (b) with respect to an enemy, who might face him in the next world and perhaps bring forth accusations against him in "yonder" court of justice and, finally, (c) with respect to the divine prosecutor and judge, in whose presence the deceased must answer for his conduct on earth and prove himself worthy of eternal salvation...

The outcome of the trial, however, has aspects other than simply gaining admittance to the divine sphere of existence. First of all, the survival of the deceased's individual personality depends on it... He is henceforth no longer an immaterial shadow, but, for instance, the high steward Amenemope who may now place his earthly offices and names between the new titles "Osiris" and "justified," both acquired in the judgement of the dead. The second aspect of the trial is the acceptance of the deceased into the 'redistributive community,' in which gods and spirits are thought to live in and which is modeled after the pattern of earthly society. Sustenance and social integration exist, in the Egyptian mind, as one indivisible whole: they merely represent two aspects of one and the same thing. The desired verdict of the funerary judge appropriately formulates it: "A truly righteous one. Let him be given the bread and beer, which issues forth from Osiris. He shall be forever amongst the followers of Horus."...

Death and Initiation in the Isis-Mysteries of Apuleius: "I entered the boundary of death, and as I stepped across Proserpina's threshold, I was carried by all elements and returned; At midnight, I caught sight of the sun, dazzling in radiant light, I approached the lower and upper gods and prayed to them face to face"

The Egyptian associations present in this description have often been emphasized. We are dealing here with a katabasis, i.e. a ritual descent into the underworld, which, in this case, is visually and architectonically actualized by a descent into a crypt decorated with cosmographic representations. In the precise same way, the royal tombs of the New Kingdom are decorated with representations of the underworld, thereby equating the entombment of the king to a descensus ad inferos. The wall paintings of these tombs are cosmographies: they describe the path of the sun-god, sailing in his bark through the hourly regions of the underworld and of the sky. The mystical character of these "books," in the sense of a codification of an esoteric and secret knowledge, is clearly expressed in these representations... In the initiation of Lucius, the voyage through the underworld stands for a symbolic death, followed on the next morning by his resurrection as the sun-god: adorned with a palm wreath ad instar solis, he appears to the cheering crowd, just as the justified deceased at the judgement of the dead... No one doubts that the initiation rites of the Isis-mysteries, as Apuleius ventures to describe them, are deeply rooted in the uniquely elaborated rituals and conceptions of Egyptian funerary religion. The same holds true for other initiation rituals. Seen from this aspect, a relationship between death and initiation is not disputed.
Following Osiris: Perspectives on the Osirian Afterlife from Four Millennia (Oxford University Press, 2017), Mark Smith:
However, there was one important difference between these gods and Osiris. Unlike them, he had triumphed over death, and the ability to do likewise could be conferred upon his followers. The colophon of Pyramid Text Spell 561B states that whoever worships Osiris will live forever, showing that already at this date those who devoted themselves to the god might expect to share in his resurrection...

Osiris is one of the few ancient Egyptian deities of whom it is possible to write even the outline of a biography. More personal details about him are extant than about any other god or goddess. This is not simply an accident of preservation. The Egyptians considered some deities important because of their impersonal attributes and powers, the roles they were believed to play in the maintenance of the cosmos. But the crucial significance of Osiris for them lay in what he personally had done and undergone. His life, death, and resurrection were perceived to be particularly momentous in relation to their own fates, and thus they figure more prominently in the textual record than do accounts of the exploits of other divinities. Moreover, because so much importance was invested in the fact that these were events actually experienced by a real individual, and not merely abstractions, personal detail was essential in recounting them.

To understand why the life, death, and resurrection of Osiris were so significant, one must first grasp how the ancient Egyptians conceived of the human being. Their conception was essentially a monistic one. They did not divide the person into a corruptible body and an immortal soul. They did, however, perceive each individual as having a ‘corporeal self’ and a ‘social self ’... Osiris provided a model whereby the effects of this rupture could be reversed, for the god underwent a twofold process of resurrection. Just as the mummification rites restored his corporeal integrity, so too justification against Seth and the events that followed it restored his social position and reintegrated him within the hierarchy of the gods. In the same way that Osiris was restored to life and declared free of wrongdoing, so all who died hoped to be revived and justified...

As we have seen, the colophon of Pyramid Text Spell 561B states that whoever worships Osiris will live forever (section 3.9.1). Moreover, since the worshippers of Osiris were, in the first instance, divine beings themselves, the deceased, by participating in his worship, acquired the same status as them. So it was not just eternal life, but eternal life in divine form that Osiris bestowed upon his followers. This link between worshipping Osiris and attaining the status of a god is made explicit in Coffin Text Spell 789...

The first decree, inscribed on the north wall, begins with a hymn to the ba of Osiris. It stresses that he is ruler over everything, calling him the twice unique one who created what exists, noble primordial one, and ba who is over the gods and the goddesses... A prominent theme in hymns to Osiris at Philae is the god’s royal status, in particular, his universal kingship... One of these, inscribed in the chapel of Osiris lord of eternity at Karnak, has already been cited in section 6.12.1 as evidence for the growing importance of the conception of Osiris as ruler of both the living and the dead in the first half of the first millennium. A scene on one of the architraves of the pronaos of the temple of Isis emphasizes Osiris’s universal kingship over the sky, the two lands, and the under-world. Hieroglyphic inscriptions from the island of Bigga likewise stress the status of that god as ruler over everything...

In texts of later periods, the deceased only attain the status of Akh after they have been judged before Osiris and found to have led a virtuous life... The venue where their conduct was examined and their fitness to join the ranks of the immortal blessed assessed continued to be the hall of judgement where he presided... As in earlier periods, those who passed the test of judgement were declared ‘justified' and accepted into the following of Osiris... In the same way that justification and acceptance into the company of Osiris’s followers offered a means of social reintegration for those whom death had cut off from friends and relations, the mummification rites restored the physical integrity of their bodies, transfiguring them and endowing them with a new eternal form. This transfiguration was accomplished in the same manner as before, by means of special spells known as sakhu or ‘glorifications’, which were recited during the period that the deceased spent in the place of embalming prior to burial. As noted in section 4.15.4, the concepts of mummification and justification were closely linked, so much so that the rites associated with the former actually included an assessment of the deceased’s character. The embalming table doubled as a judge’s tribunal, and if the dead person was found to be guilty of sin, the very processes which should have provided surcease from the suffering inflicted by death became a form of torture from which escape was impossible...

The adjacent text says of Osiris: ‘His enemies are beneath his feet, while the gods and akhs are before him. He makes a reckoning among those of the underworld, consigning the foes to perdition and slaughtering their bas'... That of Spell 82 says that knowing the utterance means being an excellent akh in the presence of Osiris, that of Spell 228 states that when someone who knows the spell proceeds to the god’s domain he will eat bread at the side of Osiris, while that of Spell 339 promises that knowing the utterance means eating bread in the house of Osiris. Several of the requests found in offering formulas of the eleventh dynasty are for association with Osiris and enjoyment of the benefits conferred thereby. They include wishes that the deceased receive the provisions of the lord of Abydos (2g), the pure bread of Khentiamentiu (2h)... Five of the wishes listed above refer to Khentiamentiu rather than Osiris. This reflects the fact that by the eleventh dynasty, the former had been absorbed by the latter and was no longer an autonomous deity. Now Khentiamentiu is simply an epithet of Osiris... Coffin Text Spell 314 makes reference to the ‘excellent bas’ of the house of Osiris. The deceased asks those who conduct these bas to the god’s house to give him bread and beer at all times... Here too, the bas constitute a group defined by its members’ association with Osiris... Thus we find utterances where the dead person is said to come to Osiris, enter before him or be at his side, see him, worship him, be like him, enter the god’s house and have knowledge of him... be among his followers, be in the midst of those who eat bread in Osiris’s presence, spells in which the deceased identifies himself as the son of Osiris, or the god is said to be his father...

As many have noted, the myths of Persephone and Osiris share a number of common features. Both protagonists experience death unwillingly but are restored to life through the intervention of others. As a result, the fertility of the earth is renewed and crops are enabled to grow. Moreover, both hold positions of authority in the underworld. These similarities undoubtedly account for the fact that episodes from their respective myths are juxtaposed in tombs 3 and 4 at Kom el-Shoqafa. But what does this juxtaposition tell us about the religious views of those responsible? Did they believe equally in both deities? Or did they simply see in these scenes two different but complementary ways of evoking the grander overarching concept of victory over death?...

The equation of Osiris with Dionysos is already mentioned in Herodotus (II, 42); thus it pre-dates the start of the Ptolemaic dynasty and the equation of Osiris with Sarapis. The latter god could be identified with Dionysos as well, and this could have been an additional factor that contributed to his identification with Osiris. Evidence for the equation of Osiris with Dionysos is provided by ‘double’ names where Egyptian Petosorapis or Petosiris corresponds to Greek Dionysios. See also the epithet ‘new Dionysos’ adopted by Ptolemy XII, which was translated into Egyptian as Wsἰr ḥwn, ‘young Osiris’. Some Greek dedications refer to ‘Dionysos, also called Petempamentes’ or ‘Petempamentes, also called Dionysos’, Petempamentes being a Greek transcription of an Egyptian epithet meaning ‘the one who is in the west’, i.e. Osiris.
“Resurrection and the Body in Graeco-Roman Egypt,” Mark J. Smith in The Human Body in Death and Resurrection (Walter de Gruyter, 2009), eds. T. Nicklas, F.V. Reiterer, and J. Verheyden:
Three basic conceptions underlie all ancient Egyptian beliefs and practices concerning the afterlife. This applies to the Graeco-Roman Period as well as earlier periods of Egyptian history. The first conception is that of the continued survival of those who die as physical or corporeal entities. The second is that of the existence of a hierarchy of divinities and other immortal beings into which the deceased hope to be integrated. The third conception is one of a causal relationship whereby the position of the deceased within this hierarchy, and indeed whether they are admitted to it or not, is determined by their conduct while alive... Osiris presided over the judgement of the deceased. Each person, at death, had to go before a tribunal where his or her conduct was weighed in a balance against the standard of righteousness. This took place in a venue called the hall of the two truths, also known as the hall of the righteous or hall of the blessed. Those who received a favourable judgement were acclaimed with the epithet ‘justified’, blessed and accepted into Osiris’ following. Those who did not were condemned to various fates, depending upon which source one consults. Some texts indicate that the wicked were consumed immediately after judgement by a monster known as the devourer of the dead... Others state that they were condemned for all eternity to punishments like decapitation, confinement within dark and gloomy caverns, being cooked in cauldrons, or immolation in flames...

The ancient Egyptian conception of the human being was monistic. They did not divide the person into a corruptible body and an immortal soul. They did, however, perceive each individual as having a ‘corporeal self’ and a ‘social self’... Thus the god [Osiris] reversed the effects of death’s twofold rupture by undergoing a twofold process of resurrection. Just as mummification restored his corporeal integrity, so too justification against Seth and the events which followed it restored his social position and re-integrated him within the hierarchy of the gods... In obtaining justice against Seth, Osiris regained full life, since his death was an injustice. By his justification, he gained total mastery over death. In the same way that Osiris was restored to life and declared free of wrongdoing, so all who died hoped to be revived and justified, as a result of the mummification process and its attendant rituals... But how could embalming and wrapping the body in bandages permit a deceased person to emulate the example of Osiris? As noted above, the Egyptians hoped to be revived and justified as a result of the mummification process and its attendant rituals...

Performing the rites of mummification was believed to restore the deceased to life, but this was not their only result. Another consequence was that they elevated him or her to a new, exalted status, that of akh. The root from which this word is derived refers to a power or force which operates without visible connection between cause and effect. One can see the result of its application but not how this came about, since it originates in a sphere concealed from view or cognition. For the Egyptians, the prototypical manifestation of this force in the natural world was the sun, whose rays were perceived to illuminate the world before it was actually visible above the horizon. In fact, the Egyptian word for horizon, akhet, which denotes the place where the boundary between the visible and the hidden is located, is derived from the same root as akh.

How was this power mobilised in the mummification ritual? It could be harnessed through the medium of the spoken or recited word, specifically through a category of spells known as glorifications or transfigurations... One becomes an akh as a result of their recitation. It was precisely spells of this nature that Isis uttered to restore Osiris to life. Here we have the answer to our question, how could the deceased hope to emulate that god? By being glorified or transfigured in the same manner as he was...

Typically, the transformative power described above was possessed by divinities, but human beings who acquired the status of akh received a share of it as well. Thus, after death, they were transfigured or glorified, and raised to a new plane of existence. In this form, they were able to transcend the boundary between the visible and hidden, and move freely from one sphere to the other. Consequently, akhs could go wherever they wished and do whatever they desired. They were even supposed to be capable of interacting with the living...

It will be clear from the survey presented above that body and resurrection were closely linked in Graeco-Roman Egypt. The resurrection in which the Egyptians believed was a bodily resurrection, involving a physical entity which had been justified, that is examined and declared to be free of sin. The successful transition from this life to the next had a profound effect on those who experienced it. They were not simply restored to vitality again. In addition, they were elevated to the status of akhs... The mummification and its attendant rites did more than reconstitute their bodies. In addition, through the justification which they incorporated, these ceremonies gave their beneficiaries a position in the hierarchy of gods and the blessed dead in the afterlife. Transfigured and raised by these means to a new plane of being, the deceased were not confined to their tombs or to the underworld. For them, the cemetery was only a resting place; their sphere of existence encompassed the whole of the cosmos.
So by now you've probably noticed a lot of similarities with Paul's descriptions of Christian rituals like baptism and the eucharist or the "Lord's Supper". Now I'm going to quote from sources that go into concepts that are found in Paul's letters. I'll of course bold parts that are comparable to the Egyptian mortuary cult and the mystery cults. After this I will go back to the Egyptian and Greco-Roman mysteries and give some more "evidence" that there are a lot of similarities between Paul and mystery cults.
Last edited by nightshadetwine on Wed Oct 04, 2023 12:38 pm, edited 10 times in total.
nightshadetwine
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

Post by nightshadetwine »

Continuing:

Becoming Divine: An Introduction to Deification in Western Culture (Wipf and Stock Publishers,2013), M. David Litwa:
In the ancient world, typically only kings and pharaohs claimed the divine prerogatives of immortality and ruling power. Yet in the mysteries of Dionysus - the topic of chapter 3 - deification was made available to all who underwent initiation...Orphic deification is experienced, interestingly, as a postmortem rebirth from the goddess Persephone and consequently an assimilation to Persephone's divine son, Dionysus. As Orphic initiates identified with the god Dionysus, so the Apostle Paul morphed with the divine Christ. “I have been crucified with Christ,” he once claimed, “I no longer live—Christ lives in me” (Gal 2:19–20). In a letter to the Corinthians, he writes, “the one who cleaves to the Lord [Christ] is one spirit with him” (1 Cor 6:17). The hope of union with Christ is not individual. Paul speaks of his converts as sharing a single body with their divine Lord (1 Cor 3:6; 6:3; 12:1).

This union of Christ and believers is well demonstrated by Paul’s striking use of “co-” compounds. His converts are said to be “co-heirs” with Christ (Rom 8:17; cf. Eph 3.6) if they “co-suffer” with him (Rom 8:17; cf. 2 Cor 1:5; Col 1:24). Paul calls himself “co-crucified” with Christ (Gal 2:19; cf. Rom 6:6). He apparently expects a similar destiny for his followers, insofar as they are “co-grown” into the likeness of Christ’s death (Rom 6:5; cf. 6:8; 2 Cor 4:10; Phil 3:10; Col 2:20), and “co-buried” with Christ (Rom 6:4; Col 2:12). Subsequently they “co-live” with Christ (Rom 6:8; 2 Tim 2:11) by being “co-glorified” with him (Rom 8:17; cf. 2 Thess 2:14). Perhaps the strongest statement of union between Christ and Christian is in 2 Cor 3:18, where believers become the “same image” of (or as) Christ—who is soon identified as the image of God (4:4).

This union with Christ assumes a kind of kinship. Pauline Christians become children of God (Rom 8:14; 9:26; Gal 3:26; 4:6) just as Christ was declared “son of God” (Rom 1:4). Christ and Christians are thus siblings (Rom 8:29), images of the same divine Father (cf. Gen 5:1–3). This kinship language seems to express a kind of relatedness rightly called “genetic,” that is, having to do with the genos—the race or class into which two entities belong. Christ and believers as kin belong to the same class of beings, namely divine “sons of God.” Christians as divine children of the Father are pictured as subordinate to Christ their elder brother. The fact, however, that believers are pictured as Christ’s siblings, made in the same image, and heirs of the same world, indicates a relative parity between Christian and Christ...

According to Paul, Christ has a “body of glory” (Phil 3:21)—or, as it can be translated, a “body constituted by glory.” This is the body that Christ gained in his resurrection, when he was raised by the “glory” of the Father (Rom 6:4). Accordingly in 1 Corinthians, Christ is called the “Lord of glory” (2:8). When believers “behold the glory of the Lord” (2 Cor 3:18), they behold Christ himself, who is the image of God (2 Cor 4:4; cf. 4:6; Col 1:15).

Yet if Christ has a body of glory, why does Paul call him a “life-making spirit” (1 Cor 15:45; cf. 2 Cor 3:17)? The word translated “spirit” here is again the Greek word pneuma. Scholars and exegetes are more and more coming to the conclusion that pneuma did not mean a Platonic, immaterial “spirit.” It is more suitably translated by “breath” or “wind.” Among ancient philosophers and medical professionals, it was thought of as a corporeal substance, though not a solid, earthly substance like earth and water. It was much more like air. Air, however, was thought to be naturally cold and misty, whereas pneuma was hot, fiery, fine, and extremely subtle. Many Stoics described pneuma as a fine mixture of air and fire, and identified it with the substance of aether, or the fiery air thought to exist in the upper reaches of the universe.

That Christ’s pneuma is also his body is indicated by the fact that those conformed to Christ (v. 49) are said to inherit a “pneumatic body” (1 Cor 15:44). Christians become like Christ by conforming to Christ’s pneuma (vv. 48–49). Elsewhere Paul speaks of assimilation to Christ’s body of glory (Phil 3:21). Pneuma and glory thus appear to be parallel expressions—both describe the “stuff” of a resurrection body. In 1 Corinthians 15:39–53, Paul discusses the nature of the resurrection body in answer to the question “With what sort of body do they [i.e., those resurrected] come?” (v. 35). He responds:

"[Fool! What you sow does not come to life unless it dies. And as for what you sow, you do not sow the body that is to be but a bare seed, perhaps of wheat or of some other grain. But God gives it a body as he has chosen and to each kind of seed its own body.] Not all flesh is alike, but there is one flesh for human beings, another for animals, another for birds, and another for fish. There are both heavenly bodies and earthly bodies, but the glory of the heavenly is one thing, and that of the earthly is another. There is one glory of the sun, and another glory of the moon, and another glory of the stars; indeed, star differs from star in glory.

So it is with the resurrection of the dead. What is sown is perishable, what is raised is imperishable. It is sown in dishonor, it is raised in glory. It is sown in weakness, it is raised in power. It is sown a psychic body, it is raised a pneumatic body. If there is a psychic body, there is also a pneumatic body. Thus it is written, “The first man, Adam, became a living soul (psychē)”; the last Adam [Christ] became a life-giving pneuma. . . . The first man was from the earth, a man of dust; the second man is from heaven. As was the one of dust, so are those who are of the dust; and as is the one of heaven, so are those who are of heaven. Just as we have borne the image of the one of dust, we will also bear the image of the celestial one [i.e., Christ].

What I am saying, brothers and sisters, is this: flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God, nor does the perishable inherit the imperishable. Listen, I will tell you a mystery! We will not all die, but we will all be changed, in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet. For the trumpet will sound, and the dead will be raised imperishable, and we will be changed." (1 Cor 15:39–52, NRSV, modified)

Paul characterizes the pneumatic body by incorruptibility, glory, and power (1 Cor 15:42–43)—all divine qualities. It is also conformed to Christ’s body, consisting of “life-making” pneuma (v. 45) associated with “heaven” (v. 47). The nature of the pneumatic body is thus celestial (v. 48); it is not, Paul adds, made up of “flesh and blood”—the constituents of present bodily life (v. 50)...

When Paul talked about the bodies of earthly beings, he used the term “flesh”. When he turned to heavenly bodies, he used the term “glory” (doxa, vv. 40–41). Although glory may simply mean “brightness” or “illumination,” there is strong indication that in the latter half of 1 Corinthians 15, glory is meant to contrast directly with flesh (v. 39). If flesh is the substance of earthly bodies, then glory is the brilliance of pneumatic bodies. In short, a pneumatic body is a glory body. Pneuma, like the aether in ancient cosmology, shines like the stars. Since Christ is pneuma (1 Cor 15:45), he has a body of glory (Phil 3:21). In short, to receive a pneumatic body is to gain a body of glory like the divine Christ. These glory bodies can, to be sure, be on heaven or earth (1 Cor 15:40), but their chief location is heaven where the glory-bodies—sun, moon, stars—shine according to their purity or “weight of glory” (15:41; cf. 2 Cor 4:17). The Danish scholar Troels Engberg-Pedersen comments: “A ‘psychic’ body belongs on earth as exemplified by the ‘earthly bodies’ mentioned in [1 Cor] 15:39; a ‘pneumatic’ one belongs in heaven as exemplified by the ‘heavenly bodies’ mentioned in 15:41. Or to be even more precise: a ‘pneumatic body’ is a heavenly body like the sun, moon and stars.”

In other words, there is an implicit contrast between heavenly and earthly bodies underlying 1 Cor 15:39–49, and Paul associates the future pneumatic body of believers with the heavenly bodies. The mention of the heavenly nature of Christ’s body in 1 Cor 15:47 recalls the contrast between earthly and heavenly bodies in 15:40. Paul seems, then, to be alluding to the fact that the pneumatic bodies of Christ and believers show the same brilliance as the heavenly bodies. In a word, they are “glorified." In a later letter, Paul promises believers a “glorification” of their bodies in conformity to the resurrected body of Christ (Rom 8:29–30). This passage from Romans is structurally similar to 1 Cor 15:49: “Just as we have borne the image of the one of dust (Adam), we will also bear the image of the celestial one (Christ).” In Paul’s letter to the Romans, to be conformed to Christ’s image means to be glorified; in 1 Corinthians, to bear Christ’s image is to become celestial (like the pneumatic Christ). Paul’s language of “glorification” is thus a way of talking about becoming pneuma and living a life among the stars. Engberg-Pedersen goes even so far as to say that resurrected Christian become stars who “will live on in the upper regions of the cosmos.” He bases his comments partially on Paul’s statement that his converts “shine like stars in the world” (Phil 2:14–15). Although in this passage, believers are still on earth, Paul declares that their true city is in heaven—the realm of the stars (3:20)...

That Paul’s version of celestial immortality is also a form of deification is indicated by the fact that glorification involves assimilation to the “super body” of a divine being (Christ). Alan Segal’s interpretation of Philippians 3:21 (“He [Christ] will transform the body of our humiliation that it may be conformed to his body of glory”) is elegantly simple: “The body of the believer eventually is to be transformed into the body of Christ.”... It seems, at any rate, safe to conclude that in Phil 3:21, Paul proposes that Christians will share in the “glory body,” or brilliant corporeality of a divine being. The analogous passage in 2 Cor 3:18 (“We all, beholding the glory of the Lord as in a mirror, are being metamorphosed into the same image from glory to glory”) indicates just how closely believers are conformed to the glory of the Christ: they are to become the same image, that is the identical (corporeal) form as their divine Lord. Insofar as Christians participate in Christ’s pneumatic corporeality, they participate in Christ’s divine identity. The result is the human attainment of the clearest of all divine attributes: immortality (1 Cor 15:50–52). Paul’s language of meeting the Lord “in the air” (1 Thess 4:17), of having a heavenly city (or citizenship) (Phil 3:20), and of bearing the image of the “Celestial Being” (1 Cor 15:48–49) indicates that he envisioned an ascent to heaven or celestial sojourn after death (or when Christ comes to earth) (cf. 2 Cor 12:1–4). When believers make this ascent, their pneumatic element will wholly envelop and replace their mortal flesh. Like Christ, they will be sons of God and gods themselves.

What will believers do when they soar to the heavenly realms? According to Paul’s gospel, they will stand before Christ and receive incorruptible crowns (1 Thess 2:19; 1 Cor 9:25; cf. 2 Tim 4:8). Each will be revealed as sons of God (Rom 8:18), co-heirs with the divine Christ (8:17). As divine children and equal heirs, they will be given a share in Christ’s divine sovereignty. It is Christ who has the right to sit at the judgment seat (2 Cor 5:10)...

The logic of Tabor’s reading is supported by Romans 16:20, where Paul promises Christians that Satan will soon be crushed beneath their feet. It is this opponent who is (if conflated with Death) the “last” enemy (1 Cor 15:26). He is, at any rate, generally considered to be the greatest and most powerful adversary of God. Satan is, in Paul’s language, the “god of this world” (2 Cor 4:4)... Christ as the prototype for believers is not just a human being. He is a divine prototype, one with God himself... the authority to judge the world (both human and superhuman) is a widely recognized divine function. According to Paul, it is God who judges the world (Rom 3:6; cf. Ps 96:13), along with the divine Christ (2 Cor 5:10)... Pauline deification means assimilation—and ultimately identification—with the divine Christ. It is thus appropriate to call it Christification, or “Christosis,” provided that one does not jettison Christ’s divinity. For Paul, Christ was the first human being to become “son of God” by his resurrection from the dead (Rom 1:4). Like the God(s) of Plato, Christ is a moral God able to lead his devotees into a virtuous life. All who follow him—in this life and the next—will share the same divine destiny and inheritance: an incorruptible body and power to defeat the Angel of Death.
We Are Being Transformed: Deification in Paul’s Soteriology (Walter de Gruyter, 2012), M. David Litwa:
Paul’s gospel, in turn, taught that humans could attain immortality through assimilation to the divine Christ (1 Cor 15:35 – 53). The Pauline mode of assimilation, I will argue, is corporeal. That is, believers assimilate to the glorious body of the divine Christ. In this way they receive an immortal body made up of a fine, ethereal stuff called “pneuma.” In this chapter, I seek to establish this thesis by arguing three points: (1) that many Greco-Roman divinities (including Christ) are often thought to have non-fleshy (sometimes luminous) incorruptible bodies, (2) that Paul envisions believers as sharing in Christ’s divine body, which he conceives of as pneumatic (1 Cor 15:44 – 45), and (3) that transformation into a pneumatic body constitutes a form of celestial immortality. In making these arguments, I will borrow heavily from ideas prevalent in Paul’s time and culture, primarily from popular (Stoic and Platonic) philosophy. The following chapter will draw out the implications of Paul’s notion of celestial immortality for a Pauline form of deification.

That a God would have a body might seem strange to those accustomed to various Platonic theologies prevalent since Late Antiquity, but this was a common idea in the first-century Mediterranean world... In 1 Corinthians 15:39 – 53, Paul discusses the nature of the resurrection body in answer to the question “With what sort of body do they [those resurrected] come ?” (15:35)... Paul characterizes the pneumatic body by incorruptibility, glory, and power (1 Cor 15:42 – 43)—all divine qualities. It is also conformed to Christ, who is both a “life-making” pneuma (v. 45) and “from heaven” (v. 47). The nature of the pneumatic body is “heavenly” (v. 48); it is not, Paul adds, made up of “flesh and blood,” the constituents of present bodily life (v. 50)... To exist in a body without flesh is not to be human in the way the ancients normally conceived of it. It was to be heavenly, and not terrestrial... Paul is adamant that the new pneumatic body will not be composed of “flesh and blood” (v. 50). This insistence raises a question about the substance of the pneumatic body—if not of flesh and blood, then what?... the body is constituted by pneuma. Third, the pneumatic body, is, like Christ’s body, “from heaven” (2 Cor 5:4) and “heavenly” (1 Cor 15:48)... Paul is therefore saying that the body can exist in heaven because it consists of a heavenly material, namely pneuma...

A second difference between Pauline and Stoic eschatology deals with the Stoic emphasis on separation (in this case, the separation of body and soul). It seems that Paul would take issue with an analogous separation, namely the pneumatic body separating from the earthly body... Thus the separation vs. transformation dichotomy may be too sharp. For Paul, the mortal is apparently not shed but changed into the immortal. Yet even when put in this way, Paul still advocates a form of separation—not from body itself, but from the bulky, mortal, corruptible body. The present, earthly body is mortal and corruptible and will exist no more come death or parousia...

The idea that the pneumatic soul becomes star-like or settles among the heavenly bodies will here be called “celestial immortality.” A brief sketch of celestial immortality in Greek and Roman thought will illumine this discussion, and show just how widely-diffused these ideas were in Paul’s culture... A similar kinship between soul and stars appears in the Orphic gold tablets. About twenty tablets to date have been unearthed, variously inscribed from the fourth to the first centuries b.c.e., and found throughout Greece and southern Italy. In several of the tablets we find the line: “I am child of Earth and starry Sky,” sometimes with the additional line “but my race is heavenly” or “My name is ‘Starry’”. The phrase “child of Earth and starry Sky” is reminiscent of the line from Hesiod’s Theogony that the Gods “were born from Earth and starry Sky” (106). Evidently a close relation between the Gods and the Orphic initiate is being suggested. In two other tablets we find the strange, possibly related, saying, “You have become a God instead of a mortal.” In other texts the soul is told to boast to the Gods that it is a member of their “happy race” (nos. 5, 6, 7). One tablet (no. 9) names an initiate, and says that she “has grown to be divine by law.” Another tablet (no. 2) affirms that the initiate will “rule among the other heroes,” who are considered demigods and children of Gods. The tablets suggest, at the very least, a close relation between the initiate, the stars, and the divine... We can conclude that the idea of celestial immortality was, if not widely believed, then at least widely known. It seems likely that Paul would have been aware of the idea, especially since the deified (and asterified) Julius Caesar was venerated as the founder of Corinth (a Roman colony).

The question is, did Paul posit a version of celestial immortality in 1 Corinthians 15? Paul’s language is admittedly vague, but some tentative conclusions can be hazarded in light of the foregoing data. When Paul talked of the bodies of earthly beings, he used the term “flesh”. When he turned to heavenly bodies he used the term “glory” (vv. 40 – 41). Though "glory" may simply mean “brightness” or “illumination,” there is strong indication that in this context, "glory" is meant to contrast directly with "flesh" in v. 39. If "flesh" is the substance of earthly bodies, then "glory" is the brilliance of pneumatic bodies. A pneumatic body is a glory body. Pneuma, like the aether, shines. Just as Christ is pneuma (1 Cor 15:45), he has a body of glory (Phil 3:21). To receive a pneumatic body is to gain a body of glory like the divine Christ. These glory bodies can, to be sure, be on heaven or earth (1 Cor 15:40), but their chief location is heaven where the glory-bodies—sun, moon, stars—shine according to their purity or “weight of glory” (15:41; cf. 2 Cor 4:17). Engberg-Pedersen’s comments are apropos here: “A ‘psychic’ body belongs on earth as exemplified by the ‘earthly bodies’ mentioned in [1 Cor] 15:39; a ‘pneumatic’ one belongs in heaven as exemplified by the ‘heavenly bodies’ mentioned in 15:41. Or to be even more precise: a ‘pneumatic body’ is a heavenly body like the sun, moon and stars.”...

Paul seems, then, to be alluding to the fact that the pneumatic body of Christ and believers show the same brilliance as the heavenly bodies. In a word, they are “glorified.” In a later letter, Paul promises believers a “glorification” of their bodies in conformity to the resurrected body of Jesus Christ (Rom 8:29 – 30). This passage from Romans is similar to 1 Cor 15:49: “Just as we have borne the image of the one of dust, we will also bear the image of the celestial one” (cf. also Phil 3:21). In one passage, to be conformed to Christ’s image is a glorification; in another, to bear Christ’s image is to become heavenly (like the pneumatic Christ). Now if "glory" is the brilliance chiefly of heavenly bodies, then Paul’s “glorification” is at least analogous to celestial immortality. Engberg-Pedersen goes even so far as to say that the Christian souls become stars who “will live on in the upper regions of the cosmos.” He bases his comments partially on Paul’s statement that the Philippians “shine like stars in the world” (2:14 – 15). Although in this passage, the Philippians are still on earth, Paul declares that their true city is in heaven—the realm of the stars... That Paul’s version of celestial immortality is also a form of deification is indicated by the fact that celestial immortality means conformation to the “super body” of a divine being (Christ)....

In the last chapter I argued that in 1 Cor 15:35 – 53, Paul presents a version of celestial immortality for his converts. What makes Paul’s version of celestial immortality distinctive, however, is that he presents it as conformation to the luminous, pneumatic body of a particular divine being, namely Christ (1 Cor 15:49; cf. 2 Cor 3:18; Phil 3:21; Rom 8:29). This is the key that allows Paul’s version of celestial immortality (or glorification) to be categorized as a form of deification... Paul’s language of meeting the Lord “in the air” (1 Thess 4:17), of having a heavenly city (or citizenship) (Phil 3:20), and of bearing the image of the “Celestial Being” (1 Cor 15:48 – 49) indicates that he envisioned an ascent to heaven or celestial sojourn after death (or the parousia) (cf. 2 Cor 12:1 – 4). When believers made this ascent, their pneumatic element was thought to wholly replace their mortal flesh... Such strong assimilation to a divine being (believers become “the same image” as the divine Christ, 2 Cor 3:18) can fairly be categorized as a form of deification...

Christ, the resurrected pneuma, exists in the highest reaches of the universe. Earlier it was shown that the heavens were widely associated with divinity in Paul’s culture. We cannot so easily divorce Paul from that culture. The fact that Christ exists in a celestial, divine habitat requires a different form of existence—a form which is higher than human existence... Those who dwell in a celestial (i. e., ethereal and divine) environment are imperishable and unbegotten beings, which is to say, Gods. In Paul’s mind Christ is such a being... But to share Christ’s body (or bodily substance) is to share Christ’s divine identity. Identification begins in baptism, when Christians receive a “dose” of the pneuma of Christ (1 Cor 12:13). A fuller identification comes at death or the parousia, when believers will receive bodies fully made up of the substance of this life-giving divinity... Paul, when speaking of the pneumatic body, does not propound conformity to “divinity” in general but to a specific divine being, namely Christ. Christ, already pneuma (1 Cor 15:45), models the glorious, celestial, and divine existence for human beings...

Paul also has his myth of battling Gods. For Paul, it is an apocalyptic myth. Ranged on one side is the high God with his son and viceregent Christ, surrounded and served by a host of angels. On the other side is Satan, accompanied by the host of his minions, evil powers who lead the world into corruption and sin. Here the forces of evil and the forces of good are colored in black and white: order and goodness versus disorder and corruption; peace versus strife; the powers of life against the powers of death. The present age is evil because Satan and his ministers are in charge of the world (Gal 1:4; 2 Cor 4:4). They direct the vast and diverse cults of Greco-Roman religion (1 Cor 10:20 – 21), and dwell in the lower regions of the heavens (Eph 2:2; cf. Gal 4:3)...

During his time on earth, the God Christ defeated Sin by dying “to” Sin (Rom 6:10). Believers have recapitulated this death through the ritual of baptism (6:2 – 4). Their minds are thus free from the slave master Sin (6:6 – 7, 20). Now the demon called Death only has claim over the external, physical bodies of humans (which Paul calls “the body of sin” [6:6] and “body of death” [7:24]). Within, however, believers have the freedom of the divine Spirit, a freedom which Paul depicts as slavery to God (6:22)... The salvation Paul speaks of is salvation from these divine powers. They have been conquered by Christ, the divine warrior king. Although Paul claims that the “Rulers” would not have crucified Christ if they had known God’s hidden wisdom (1 Cor 2:8), Paul does not expatiate on a battle of Christ versus his enemies on the cross (though see Col 2:15). Rather, Paul seems to locate the battle chiefly at “the end”, when Christ “hands over the kingdom to God the Father, after he has destroyed every Ruler and every Authority and Power” (1 Cor 15:24)... The last enemy the God Christ will conquer is Death (1 Cor 15:26), envisioned as a personal entity, over whom Paul sings a victory hymn (v. 55). Death, along with beings called “Authorities,” “Rulers,” and “Powers” are widely viewed as demonic agents. These enemies of God and his Messiah are conceived of as superhuman powers destined to be subjected under the feet of the divine Messiah (1 Cor 15:27 – 28), in fulfillment of Ps 8:7 [LXX] (“you have subjected everything under his feet,”) which Paul apparently takes as a prophecy of Christ’s future absolute rule.

Those who are loyal to the high God—the members of Paul’s churches—will appear at Christ’s coming (1 Cor 15:23). They will stand before the Christ and receive incorruptible crowns (1 Thess 2:19; 1 Cor 9:25; cf. 2 Tim 4:8). They will be revealed as sons of God (Rom 8:18), co-heirs with the divine Christ (8:17). As divine children and equal heirs, they will be given a share in Christ’s divine sovereignty. It is Christ who has the right to sit at the judgment seat (2 Cor 5:10). But Christ gives this power to “the holy ones” (i. e., Pauline Christians) to judge the world and angels (1 Cor 6:2 – 3). Satan is now crushed beneath their [believers’] feet (Rom 16:25). Though the subjection of all things (including demonic powers) is given only to the Messiah, those “in Christ” rule with him in eternal life (Rom 5:17; cf. 2 Tim 2:12). Christ’s victory is their victory. Christ’s divine sovereignty is their sovereignty. By assimilation to the divine Christ, the faithful take on Christ’s divine function: universal rule.
Cosmology and Self in the Apostle Paul: The Material Spirit (Oxford University Press, 2010) Troels Engberg-Pedersen:
Thus when ‘all of us must appear before the judgement seat of Christ, so that each may receive recompense for what he has done through the body, whether good or bad’ (5:10), we may well imagine believers standing before Christ as the heavenly and pneumatic bodies of 1 Corinthians 15 to undergo trial in the way described in 1 Corinthians 3... Believers’ physical bodies of flesh and blood must literally die—atrophy—in the present in order for the (pneumatic) life of Jesus Christ to become visible in them already now. Similarly, Paul described himself in Phil. 3:10–11 as sharing in Christ’s sufferings and being conformed with Christ’s death in the hope that he would eventually reach the resurrection from the dead. In all this there is very strongly present a concrete, physicalist understanding of the operation of the pneuma both now and in the future... Obviously, Paul understood baptism as an initiation into an ‘eschatological life’—even in the present. Here we need only consider his invocation of baptism (6:2–6) in response to the question he has himself raised whether believers should ‘continue to sin in order that grace may abound’ (6:1):

"(2) By no means! How can we who died to sin go on living in it? (3) Do you not know that all of us who have been baptised into Christ Jesus were baptised into his death? (4) Therefore we have been buried with him by baptism into death, in order that, just as Christ was raised from the dead by the glory of the Father, so we too might walk in newness of life. (5) For if we have grown together with him in a death that is similar to his, we will certainly also (grow together with him) in a resurrection (like his), (6) since we know this: that our old human being was crucified together with him in order that the body of sin might be destroyed, and we might no longer be enslaved to sin." (NRSV with some changes)

This passage contains some of the ideas in the ‘baptism cluster’ that we already know quite well: the idea of dying in order to come to live a ‘resurrected life’ (6:4; here it is specifically a present ‘resurrected’ life that Paul has in mind due to the paraenetic direction of his argument); the idea of ‘growing together’ with (elsewhere being ‘conformed’ to) Christ in his death through something that is a simulacrum of his death; the idea that this means the crucifixion together with Christ of ‘the old human being’ and the destruction of the ‘body’ of sin (which is of course the body of flesh and blood)... Pauline baptism was not just a ‘symbol’ of Christ’s death. It was a ritual in which things happened that meant that the body of flesh and blood began to decay whereas that same body as now also harbouring the pneuma began to gather strength. It is this set of events that the Romans should ‘think of ’ as having already taken place in themselves...

Here we must pay attention to the fact that the verse in Philippians speaks of Christ’s ‘glorious body’ or ‘body of glory’... What is it that believers see (as exemplified by Paul himself)? Answer: the glory of God, which has been given to Christ and is now also the glory of Christ; this they see on the face of Christ. And what is this ‘glory’? It is something shining, corresponding to the fact that it is ‘clearly seen’ and is also brought to shine by God’s ‘shining forth’ in Paul. Seeing this ‘shine of the Lord’, this shine on the face of Christ, who is himself an image of God, believers are—by 3:18—continuously being transformed into the same image (that is, into Christ) by themselves coming from a shine and by moving into a further shine, all of which is engineered by the Lord, who is (the) pneuma. What, then, is it that believers see? What is the shine? Answer: the pneuma itself, which is both what the resurrected Lord, Jesus Christ, himself now is and also a shine generated on the face of this humanly conceived Christ by the pneuma, which now constitutes his ‘body of glory’. As an example of this kind of shine we may quote Paul himself: the shine (‘glory’) of the sun (1 Cor. 15:41). And remember: a Stoically conceived pneuma is partly made up of fire, which does give off a shine.
Ablution, Initiation, and Baptism: Late Antiquity, Early Judaism (Walter de Gruyter, 2011), David Hellholm, Tor Vegge, Oyvind Norderval, Christer Hellholm:
The ritual [baptism] is said to have cleansed the ritual participants from the state of being that existed prior to the ritual. By means of the ritual they have acquired a state of purity categorically different from the one that characterised their previous state of being, i.e. they have been transferred from a state of impurity to a state of purity. It is certainly not coincidental that the cleansing metaphor precedes the next two metaphors which serve to make it clear to the recipients that the Corinthian Christ-believers have been initiated into a new form of being. They have not only been set apart from the world which is ultimately what the metaphor of sanctification implies but due to their justification in the name of the Lord Jesus and by means of the spirit of God they have also entered into a new legal state before God, i.e. they have been justified or acquitted of their previous guilt. In order to obtain justification, however, it is essential that the ritual participants have been transferred to a state in which they have been made ritually prepared for the acquisition of the justification.

We do not need to enter into the discussion whether Paul in 1 Cor 6:11 is quoting from a pre-Pauline tradition or not. It suffices to note that in one of the earliest strands of what later became known as Christianity we find an amalgamation of elements pertaining to rituals of purification as well as rituals of initiation. Apparently, the two do not exclude each other. The fusion of motifs belonging to what in modern scholarship has frequently been conceived of as two essentially different rituals points to an intricate relationship between them... What we cannot do, however, is to neglect the occurrence of motifs common to rituals of purification and rituals of initiation within the same context. In fact I will argue that a ritual of initiation cannot be separated from the element of cleansing irrespective of whether that element is merely present in the form of a metaphorical formulation or as an independent, preparatory rite of purification... Although a rite of purification may not be part of the ritual of initiation per se, it does play a prominent role in the preparatory rites that precede Lucius’ initiation into the mysteries of Isis as recounted in the eleventh book of the Metamorphoses or The Golden Ass by Apuleius... Thereupon Lucius is taken to the bath. After he has taken a habitual bath, the priest prays for the favour of the god and cleanses Lucius most purely by sprinkling him with water all around (23:2)... Even though the rite of cleansing represents a pre-stage to the actual ritual of initiation, it is indispensable for transferring Lucius into the state in which he is ritually pure and, thereby, fit to undergo the subsequent initiation into the mysteries of the goddess.

The two examples document, on the one hand, the difference between rituals of initiation and rituals of purification but, on the other hand, they also point to their commonality. To undergo initiation, one has to be in a ritually pure state, i.e. purity is apparently a prerequisite for the subsequent encounter or even merging with powers of the trans-mundane and trans-human realms... It is a prevalent phenomenon frequently found in connection with rituals of initiation that a rite of cleansing or purification is somehow related to it... It is also well-known how water was used in the cult of Isis (cf. my previous reference to the initiation of Lucius as depicted in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses). In the ritual the myth of Osiris dying and later being resuscitated was closely related to the seasonal changes of the Nile. The living Osiris was identified with the life-giving water of the Nile that dwindles away as Osiris is dying, and yet comes back as flood with the resuscitated Osiris during the summer season. Similarly, the initiates had, in principle, to bathe themselves in water that had been brought specially from the Nile...

From all we know about the Eleusinian mysteries, water also played a prominent role in this cultic context. Both at the occasion of the Lesser Mysteries taking place in February/March and at the occasion of the Greater Mysteries performed in September lustration rites were involved. As part of the Lesser Mysteries the ritual participants bathed themselves in the river of Illisos outside the city walls of Athens. As part of the Greater Mysteries the ritual participants on the third day took a bath in the sea on the way between Athens and Eleusis...

In contrast to religions of blessing, religions of salvation purport not only to bring an elect group of human beings into direct contact with the godhead or the gods, but even to transfer them to a world conceived to be located outside the empirically accessible world. To enable this transposition, human beings have to be transformed into the image of the god. To a certain extent one could, of course, argue that the structure of ontological difference is thereby retained within religions of salvation, since the premise for human beings to achieve transfer to the ‘other’ world is that they undergo a categorical transformation which changes them into the nature of the godhead:

"The first man was of the earth, made of dust; the second Man is the Lord from heaven. As was the man of dust, so also are those who are made of dust; and as is the heavenly Man, so also are those who are heavenly. And as we have borne the image of the man of dust, we shall also bear the image of the heavenly Man. Now this I say, brethren, that flesh and blood cannot inherit the kingdom of God; nor does corruption inherit incorruption. Behold, I tell you a mystery: We shall not all sleep, but we shall all be changed – in a moment, in the twinkling of an eye, at the last trumpet. For the trumpet will sound, and the dead will be raised incorruptible, and we shall be changed" (1 Cor 15:47–52)...

The preliminal phase is understood to represent a radical break with one’s previous being. This is symbolically accentuated and ritually staged in such a manner that the ritual participant is according to the ritual raison d’être located in a new sphere beyond that of the mundane world. Already in the break with the pre-ritual being, the ritual participant is understood to have irreversibly left it behind and to have been incorporated into a new state of being. The radical nature of the break may be spatially staged as, for instance, the passage through a gate, but frequently the separation is iconically and indexically expressed as a death. From the semantic perspective of the ritual, death is the decisive end to and departure from one mode of being to which the ritual participant subsequent to the completion of the ritual does not any longer have access to. Through the ritual death the ritual participant has been incorporated into an existential process of change that inevitably is oriented towards a new life perceived to be qualitatively different from the one completed...
Among the Gentiles: Greco-Roman Religion and Christianity (Yale University Press, 2009), Luke Timothy Johnson:
Two cultic activities of early assemblies would easily be recognized by members of Greco-Roman religious associations. The first was baptism, the ritual of initiation that marked entry into the community. As an initiatory ritual, it was notable primarily for its simplicity and its singularity; in the Mysteries, initiations tended to be complex and multiple. For Jewish believers, baptismal washing for males would represent an addition to the Jewish ritual of circumcision; for Gentile converts, baptism replaced circumcision (Col 2:11-12)-a circumstance that also could be the occasion for conflict. The second cultic activity was the meal. Some version of "breaking bread in houses" (Acts 2:42, 46) that Paul calls the "Lord's Banquet" (1 Cor 11:20) was celebrated in the gathered assembly, probably on the day of resurrection, the first day of the week (1 Cor 16:2; see Rev 1:10). The rituals of initiation and meals were occasions for enacting the presence of the risen Lord in the assembly and for remembering the words and deeds of Jesus in the context of his continuing powerful presence...

As he reports the risen Lord saying to him when Paul asked to be freed from the stake in his flesh, "My grace [charis-that is, "benefit"] is sufficient for you, for [my] power [dynamis] is brought to perfection [teleitai] in weakness" (2 Cor 12:9)7...

Of the Phrygian Christians in Galatia and Colossae who follow the ritual instinct of their Greco-Roman past by seeking further initiations, Paul asks to think through the implications of their baptism into Christ. Greater maturity (perfection) in Christianity results not from successive initiations but from thinking through and then enacting the moral entailments of initiation into the crucified and raised Messiah... Paul's response to those Colossians who, after their baptism into Christ, pursued further "perfection" or "maturity" through circumcision, asceticism, and visions-all instinctive to Religiousness A as found in Greco-Roman religion makes the role of thinking even more explicit. Their maturity does not result from adding on but from digging deeper. Paul wants them to be filled with "recognition of [God's] will in all wisdom and spiritual understanding" (Col 1:9). To what end? That they might "walk worthily of the Lord in everything pleasing, bearing fruit in every good deed and growing in the recognition of God" (1:10). Paul connects this growth in knowledge and in moral behavior precisely with the divine dynamis in which they had become participants... Paul again argues morally from their religious experience of baptism, in which they were "buried together with him" and were "raised with him" through faith (Col 2:12). If then they died with Christ (2:20) and if they were raised with him (3:1), that ritual pattern should determine their moral behavior: they should put to death all modes of vice and "put on" the new humanity, resisting all impulses that drive them to rivalry and competition and instead showing toward each other the same compassion that was shown them (3:12-13). And over all these, Paul says, they should put on agape, which is the bond of perfection (teleiotetos, or maturity)... Paul's language of "perfection" echoes that used for the Mysteries; see Phil 1:6; p2; Gal 3=3; 2 Cor 8:6, 11; Rom 15:28; and R. S. Ascough, "The Completion of a Religious Duty: The Background of 2 Cor 8:1-15," New Testament Studies 42 (1996): 584-599.
Cosmology & Eschatology in Jewish & Christian Apocalypticism (Brill, 1996), Adela Yarbro Collins:
Two sayings attributed to Jesus in the Synoptic tradition seem to use the word baptism metaphorically to mean death, especially the death of Jesus. In these sayings, the operative symbol has shifted from cleansing that leads to a pure and holy life to death that leads to new life. These sayings are close to Paul's interpretation of baptism in Romans 6, one of the most important passages on baptism in the NT...In Romans 6: 1-14 the ritual of baptism is explicitly interpreted as a reenactment of the death and resurrection of Jesus in which the baptized person appropriates the significance of that death for him or herself. In this understanding of the ritual, the experience of the Christian is firmly and vividly grounded in the story of the death and resurrection of Christ. These qualities of reenactment of a foundational story and the identification of the participant with the protagonist of the story are strikingly reminiscent of what is known about the initiation rituals of certain mystery religions, notably the Eleusinian mysteries and the Isis mysteries.
Corresponding Sense: Paul, Dialectic, and Gadamer (Brill, 2001), Brook W. R. Pearson:
Following some of Wagner's critics, my assessment is that the evidence does indeed suggest that Paul's interpretation of baptism in Rom. 6:1-11 is parallel to elements in the mystery religions, especially the Isis cult, which was located in many different Hellenistic centres throughout the Greco-Roman world. In my opinion, the most important element of this similarity is the language of identification utilized by Paul of the individual Christian's 'sharing' (Rom. 6:5) in the activities of Jesus by participation in a ritual reenactment of Christ's death. As we shall see, the language used in Romans 6 to describe this participation, in addition to the similarities of Paul's equation of baptism and death with the similar equation in the Osiris myth, clearly evokes a connection with Rom. 1:23, and stands in developed contrast to typical Jewish use of similar language... The language of identification and imitation in this passage is not reminiscent of Jewish ideas—Jews were not called to participate in ritual so as to identify with the actions of Yahweh, nor to imitate their God, but rather to follow his Law. Other cults of the ancient Near Eastern and Greco-Roman worlds, however, contain many different levels of such identificatory phenomena.
Dining with John: Communal Meals and Identity Formation in the Fourth Gospel and Its Historical and Cultural Context (Brill, 2011) Esther Kobel:
A comparison between the Gospel of John and the myth of Demeter according to the Homeric and the Orphic Hymns to Demeter reveals a number of parallels. Throughout the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, the goddess is praised as the provider of food and life... The motif of the goddess who has the power to feed humankind is heavily emphasized by virtually every word. Jesus’ feeding of the multitudes and the other Johannine feeding miracles parallel this godly power... Barley plays a distinct role in the myth of Demeter. The “kykeon”, a mixture of barley, water and herb, is the only drink that the grieving goddess accepts: "Metaneira made and gave the drink to the goddess as she bid. Almighty Deo [Demeter] received it for the sake of the rite" (Homeric Hymn to Demeter). The drinking of the kykeon is very likely part of an instituted rite in the mysteries at Eleusis, as is indicated by "for the sake of the rite". The existing rite is legitimized by the goddess’s acts. She is the one who founded the rite and who enacted it first. The initiates then copied this act as well as the preceding fast by the goddess and her abstinence from wine... The emphasis on the necessity to participate in the mystery of Demeter, obvious in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, has a parallel in the Johannine Jesus’ stress on the necessity of eating the bread from heaven (Jn 6:50-51), chewing his flesh and drinking his blood (Jn 6:53-58), without which humankind cannot attain eternal life. According to the Homeric hymn to Demeter, initiation into the mystery clearly makes a difference for a mortal’s fate after life... Barley plays an important role in the composition of the kykeon in the myth of Demeter. Initiation into her cult is deemed necessary to attain eternal life, and correspondingly in John 6, adhering to Jesus’ teachings, believing in him, and demonstrating this belief by the consumption of his flesh and blood are the precondition for attaining eternal life...

Demeter is often closely related to Dionysus. In the Bacchae, the two are mentioned together as providers of food and drink... Dionysus not only offers a parallel to Demeter but also to Jesus as providers of food... Dionysus is associated with the production and consumption of wine and, as early as the fifth century bce, he is even identified with wine... This source—along with others—also indicates that Dionysus is envisioned as inhabiting the wine. Similarly, Bacchus is present within the wine and he gets poured into a cup... The idea that this god inhabits the wine and gets poured out in libations is obviously widespread... The idea of vine, wine and grapes representing Dionysus is clearly not simply a metaphor, but rather a way in which humans experienced this god. Dionysus is believed to theomorphize into the substances that he invented. Wine is frequently associated with blood. The notion of calling the juice of grapes blood is well known in many traditions, Jewish and pagan alike (for example: Gen 49:11; Dtn 32:14; Rev 17:6; Achilles Tatius 2.2.4). Unsurprisingly, wine also appears as the blood of Dionysus (Timotheos Fragment 4). The idea of Dionysus being torn apart and pressed into wine appears in songs that are sung when grapes are pressed...

Paul addresses the issue of food offered to idols again in 1 Cor 10:1– 22. He offers a theological critique of eating idol food, at least when done on the ground of a pagan temple. His addressees ought to flee from idol worship (1 Cor 10:14). The primary focus of Paul’s instructions seems to be idol food eaten in pagan temples. By placing idol food before statues of pagan deities at temple meals, diners seem to have believed that the gods participated in the meal with them. Consequently, those Corinthian Christ-believers who partook of such meals and ate idol food were guilty of idolatry. Paul then defines the cup of the blessing as the community of the blood of Christ, and the bread as the community of the body of Christ. He equates the participants to one loaf of bread, to one body. The one bread and body symbolically represent those who partake together (10:16–17; cf. 12:12). Table fellowship is thus a binding covenant. Participation in the communal meal unites Christ believers with Christ and among themselves. The communal cup stands for the community with Christ who has died, and the bread stands for the community of believers. Paul does not want his addressees to be in community with demons. The table of the Lord and the table of demons are irreconcilable (1 Cor 10:21)... From 1 Cor 11:17–34, we can deduce that Christ-believers in Corinth gathered for a communal meal, which Paul defines as the “Lord’s Supper"... The communal meal is a locus for the creation of the identity of Christ believers...

Paul continues to recount what had happened during the night when Jesus was handed over and repeats what he claims to have received from the Lord, then handed on to the Corinthians: the blessing over the bread, the qualification of the bread as the “body for you,” and the exhortation to do the same in his memory. It is safe to assume that Paul was aware of Passover context of this meal (cf. 1 Cor 5:7–8). After supper, Jesus also blesses the cup, calls it the new covenant in his blood, and again exhorts listeners to do this in his memory each time they drink it. Paul qualifies the eating of this bread and the drinking of the cup as a proclamation of the Lord’s death until he returns. From this comes the notion, according to Paul, that “Whoever, therefore, eats the bread or drinks the cup of the Lord in an unworthy manner will be answerable for the body and blood of the Lord” (1 Cor 11:27). Participation in the Lord’s Supper is steeped in surplus meaning. It is performed in memory of the crucified Lord and calls into mind the covenant... Paul writes about the Lord’s Supper as an act of remembering Jesus in which moral and ethical purity is a precondition for participating in this meal.
Dionysos (Routledge, 2006), Richard Seaford:
Dionysos, like Jesus, was the son of the divine ruler of the world and a mortal mother, appeared in human form among mortals, was killed and restored to life... a secret of the mystery-cult was that dismemberment is in fact to be followed by restoration to life, and this transition was projected onto the immortal Dionysos, who is accordingly in the myth himself dismembered and then restored to life... this power of Dionysos over death, his positive role in the ritual, makes him into a saviour of his initiates in the next world... Dionysos could be called 'Initiate' and even shares the name Bakchos with his initiates, but his successful transition to immortality - his restoration to life and his circulation between the next world and this one- allows him also to be their divine saviour. Plutarch (Moralia 364) compares Dionysos to the Egyptian Osiris, stating that 'the story about the Titans and the Night-festivals agree with what is related of Osiris - dismemberments and returns to life and rebirths'...The restoration of Dionysos to life was (like the return of Kore [Persephone] from Hades at Eleusis) presumably connected with the immortality obtained by the initiates...

The fundamental sequence of dismemberment followed by restoration to life belongs to a type found elsewhere expressing the extreme ordeal of imagined death and eventual restoration to life in initiation. Dionysiac (or ‘Orphic’) mystery-cult had inherited a myth that projected onto Dionysos the imagined bodily death and restoration to life of the initiand... Not inconsistent with this is the possibility that the dismemberment myth was related to the drinking of wine that we have seen to be common in the mystic ritual...wine is earlier identified with Dionysos himself (e.g. Bacchae 284), more specifically with his blood (Timotheos fragment 780)... One such interpretation regards the myth as signifying the harvesting of the grapes in order to make wine, with the new life of Dionysos signifying that the vine then produces new fruit (e.g. Diodorus 3.62.6–7). As suggested in Chapter 5, this interpretation may have been present in the actual practice of drinking wine in the mystery-cult...

The next text (chronologically) to take what seems to be a philosophical view of Dionysos is a passage of Euripides’ Bacchae in which Teiresias tries to persuade Pentheus that Dionysos is a great god. He maintains that there are ‘two first things’ among humankind. One is Demeter or Earth, who sustains mortals ‘with dry things’, and the other is Dionysos, who gave mortals the ‘liquid drink’ of wine to relieve their sufferings (274–83)... Just as Demeter’s introduction of corn was celebrated in her mystery-cult at Eleusis, so Dionysos’ introduction of wine might be celebrated in his mystery-cult... as the sophist Prodikos (a contemporary of Euripides) puts it – ‘the ancients considered all things that benefit our life gods because of their benefit... and for this reason bread was considered to be Demeter and wine Dionysos’... In general the mystery-cults of different deities tend to interpenetrate, as a result of similarity of function (eternal blessedness) and structure. And so for example we have seen that the Pelinna text mentions Persephone (central to the mysteries of Eleusis) and Dionysos in the same line. Dionysos (as ‘Iakchos’) is important to the Eleusinian mysteries...

The Pauline letters sometimes contain clusters of terms or ideas that suggest the influence, direct or indirect, of mystery-cult. One instance is the words ‘for now we see through a glass darkly, but then we shall see face to face’ (1 Corinthians 13.12). What the Greek says is, in modern English, ‘through a mirror in a riddle’. The image owes something to the Old Testament (Numbers 12.8), but this is not enough to explain it. In mystery-cult the transition from the phase of ignorant anxiety to the phase of joyful knowledge might be effected by the use, in the first phase, of riddling language and of the mirror, both of which gave an obscure image of what was subsequently revealed (ancient mirrors were much obscurer than modern). I have mentioned the use of the mirror in Dionysiac mysteries both in the Villa of the Mysteries at Pompeii and (along with the use of riddling language) in Bacchae (Chapter 5). Paul is here imagining eschatological transition in terms taken from the transition (itself embodying a kind of death) from ignorance to knowledge in mystery-cult. Paul in his letters also proclaims a doctrine of baptism ‘into the death’ of Jesus Christ, of burial with him (through baptism), and of resurrection associated with his resurrection (Romans 6.3–6; also e.g. Romans 8.11; Galatians 2.20; 3.26–7). This doctrine is to be found neither in the Gospels nor in Judaic religion. It has been suggested that it is influenced by one or more of the forms taken by mystery-cult, whether performed for Greek deities such as Dionysos or Demeter or for deities originating from outside the Greek world such as Isis and Attis... Suffice it to say that although we know of no mystery-cult that reproduces exactly the same configuration as the Pauline doctrine, we do find in mystery-cult the ideas of the death and rebirth of the initiand, of the sufferings of the deity, of the identification of initiand with deity, and of the initiands’ (transition to) salvation depending on their finding – or the return to life of – a deity.
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

Post by nightshadetwine »

Reading Dionysus: Euripides' Bacchae and the Cultural Contestations of Greeks, Jews, Romans, and Christians (Mohr Siebeck, 2015), Courtney Friesen:
A central concern in the Dionysiac mysteries was one's condition in the afterlife, secured through a ritualized death in initiation. This view of the mysteries is well attested throughout the ancient world... A similar connection is made on a gold leaf from a burial chamber in Hipponion (ca. 400 BCE), which speaks of "bacchoi" traveling along the sacred road in the underworld (Orph. frag. 474 = Edmonds B10). Of particular importance for their close verbal parallel to the Bacchae are two late-fourth-century BCE gold leaves from a woman's sarcophagus in Pelinna. These are inscribed with a ritual formula: "Now you have died and now you have come to be, O Thrice-born one, on this very day. Tell Persephone that the Bacchic one [= Dionysus] himself has set you free." (Orph. frag. 485 = Edmonds D1-2)... the deliverance by Dionysus is understood to be a rebirth into life by way of death.

This common conception of the Dionysiac mysteries was employed by Plutarch, himself a Dionysiac initiate, in his consolation to his wife at the death of their child. He refutes the Epicurean conception of the afterlife that "there is nothing evil or painful for anyone who undergoes dissolution" by appealing to the hieros logos of the mysteries: "the ancestral teaching and the mystic symbols of the rites of Dionysus, which we know, we who shared them in common with each other" (Cons. ux. 611d)... Elsewhere, Plutarch offers a related explanation of the connection between the mysteries and the afterlife. He compares the wandering and confusion of the soul at the point of death to the experience (pathos) of “those initiated into the Great [Eleusinian] Mysteries”.

Like Judaism, Christianity was at times variously conflated with the religion of Dionysus. Indeed, the numerous similarities between Christianity and Dionysiac myth and ritual make thematic comparison particularly fitting: both Jesus and Dionysus are the offspring of a divine father and human mother (which was subsequently suspected as a cover-up for illegitimacy); both are from the east and transfer their cult into Greece as part of its universal expansion; both bestow wine to their devotees and have wine as a sacred element in their ritual observances; both had private cults; both were known for close association with women devotees; and both were subjected to violent deaths and subsequently came back to life... While the earliest explicit comments on Dionysus by Christians are found in the mid-second century, interaction with the god is evident as early as Paul’s first epistle to the Corinthians (ca. 53 CE). The Christian community founded by Paul in Corinth was comprised largely of converts from polytheism (1 Cor 12:2) in a city that was home to many types of Greco-Roman religion. At Isthmia, an important Corinthian cult site, there was a temple of Dionysus in the Sacred Glen. Perhaps most important for the development of Christianity in Corinth are mystery cults. Not only does Paul’s epistle employ language that reflects these cults, his Christian community resembles them in various ways. They met in secret or exclusive groups, employed esoteric symbols, and practiced initiations, which involved identification with the god’s suffering and rebirth. Particularly Dionysiac is the ritualized consumption of wine in private gatherings (1 Cor 11:17–34).
Greco-Roman Associations: Texts, Translations, and Commentary (Walter de Gruyter, 2011), John S. Kloppenborg and Richard S. Ascough:
Earlier studies of the development of the structure of Christian groups, even when they paid attention to Greek and Roman associations, tended to rely on a very small handful of inscriptions in order to contextualize early Christian practices... There is no doubt that these few inscriptions are illuminating when it comes to considering the associative practices of Christ-groups. The obvious danger of so narrow a data base is obvious, however: one might well conclude that these few inscriptions typify and define the nomenclature, membership profiles, and activities of all associations and infer, as some researchers did, that the differences between these three or four associations and the Christgroups meant that Christ groups were sui generis and that little or nothing was to be learned from a study of Greco-Roman associations. Nothing could be further from the truth. As the selection of inscriptions included here will show, associations display a wide variety of naming practices, forms of internal governance, membership profiles, activities, and relationships with their host cities. When the range of associations and their practices are seen, it becomes clear that Christ-groups could fit rather comfortably within the spectrum of ancient associations, as indeed patristic writers such as Tertullian recognized (Apol. 39)...

While membership in phratriai was normally restricted to the legitimate male descendents of members, in the late Hellenistic and early Roman periods we find other family-based associations which included most or all of the members and dependents (slave and free, men and women) of a familia. In Philadelphia (Lydia) in the first century BCE a householder, having been instructed by the god in dream, opened his house to “men and women, free people and household-slaves” to participate in a mysteries and purifications (Syll3 985). One of the largest household associations is found in Torre Nova in Campania – a Dionysiac association with over four hundred members, patronized and led by Pompeia Agripinilla, a priestess of a Dionysos and wife of a Roman senator and ex-consul, M. Gavius Squilla Gallicanus, and including most or all of the persons associated with this household (IGUR 160)...

Cultic associations became extremely popular throughout the Hellenistic and Roman periods, with groups dedicated not only to Zeus, Dionysos, Herakles, Apollo and other deities and heroes of classical Greece, but also to a large number of Thracian, Anatolian, Syrian, Judaean, and Egyptian deities. Originating with groups of traders, merchants, displaced workers, or slaves, this latter type of cultic association probably provided one of the main vehicles by which cults from the East – including Christ-groups – spread and flourished in Greece, Macedonia, and Italy. By the beginning of the Hellenistic period (late IV BCE) in the East and somewhat later in the West, cities had significant populations of slaves, former slaves, resident aliens, foreign traders, merchants, and other noncitizens. Separated from their families and cities of origin, and excluded from the rights of citizens, such persons often joined together to form clubs or associations organized either around a common ethnic identity, a common cult, or a common profession or trade...

These and many other issues of social organization, civic relationships and social exchange are richly illustrated in the inscriptions and papyri produced by the thousands of associations scattered throughout the Mediterranean. The dossier represented by associations forms an essential component for thinking about the associative practice of early Christ-groups as they arose in the cities of the East and, eventually, in Rome and throughout the Empire. Christ-groups did not originate or flourish in a cultural vacuum; given the density and distribution of associations throughout the Mediterranean, it is inevitable that Christ-groups came into contact with numerous associations and formed their polity and practices by imitating and adapting the practices they observed...

A Dionysiac festival called the Iobakcheia is already mentioned in [Ps-] Demosthenes (59 In Neaeram 78), who records the oath of the priestesses: “I live a holy life and am pure and unstained by all else that pollutes and by commerce with man, and I will celebrate the feast of the wine god and the Iobakchic feast in honor of Dionysos in accordance with custom and at the appointed times.”... The use of thiasus indicates an association devoted to the cult of Bacchus (Dionysos), while the word Maenad indicates a female devotee of Bacchus (Pilhofer 2000, 347, citing Glare, Oxford Latin Dictionary, s.v. thiasus and Maenas respectively). Although groups of women involved in ritual frenzy in cult of Dionysos initially took place outside the city, eventually it was integrated back into the city and became the locus of women’s social and religious activity. There is clear evidence for a Dionysiac ecstatic cult at Philippi (Portefaix 1988, 100). The thiasus of Maenads may very well be an all-female association, in which case there seems also to be a male (or mixed) Bacchus thiasus at Philippi with whom Bithus (Philippi II 524/L103) and the slave Lucius (Philippi II 525/L104) are affiliated...
Christ’s Associations: Connecting and Belonging in the Ancient City (Yale University Press, 2019), John S. Kloppenborg:
These associations organized around the workplace, the cult of a deity, a diasporic identity, an extended family, or a neighborhood and could be found in practically every city and town of the Mediterranean. For the nonelite population, associations were the principal context for social, cultic, and other forms of interaction beyond the family on one hand and the citizen assembly in free Greek cities on the other... Some readers will find this book irritating, for at least three reasons. First, in contrast to many works on the earliest Christ assemblies, I emphasize the ways in which Christ assemblies were comparable with other small face-to-face groups. The habit of much scholarship has been to dramatize the extent to which Christ assemblies (and Judean assemblies) were unique. Anxiety over identity is only heightened when pagan analogies are adduced. Hence, some readers may be distressed to learn that these assemblies were not as unusual, either demographically or in terms of their practices, as is often supposed.

It is not that I claim that Christ assemblies were just like other associations. That would be silly. Guilds and associations were extremely diverse, with hardly two of them exactly alike. But the claim that Christ groups were incomparable and incommensurable is not only historically untrue, it probably disguises a theological rather than a historical presumption that Christ devotees must have been up to something that was completely new and unparalleled and ultimately the result of divine causality. There are indeed some very interesting innovations of Christ assemblies and ways that their practices stood out from the practices of other comparable groups. The benefit of careful comparison that identifies similarities is that it in fact allows the differences to stand out with special prominence. But to ignore similarities and exaggerate differences obscures the many ways that Christ assemblies were also like other groups. It risks turning historiography into apologetics.

Second, it is common to insist that the most proximate comparanda—sometimes the only salient ones—for early Christ groups are Judean synagogues and their practices, from which Christ groups derived most of their practices and beliefs. This, as Jonathan Z. Smith observed in Drudgery Divine, is often a strategy to isolate the early Christ cult from its Greco-Roman environment, from which is was supposedly “overwhelmingly different.” But then it is claimed that early Christ groups swiftly outstripped their Judean roots or even consciously distinguished themselves from those roots. Hence, in two swift moves the Christ cult becomes sui generis. This too is apologetics, not historiography. I will avoid this approach, not because Judean synagogues were not important in the world in which Christ groups operated. Various iterations of the Christ cult owed much to Judean synagogues... Despite these factors, I avoid the habit of privileging Judaism and Judean forms as the “closest” or “best” parallels for Christ groups. In some cases, they are not...

A few associations stated their membership policies explicitly, in almost Pauline language. An early-first-century BCE household-based association in Philadelphia (Lydia) was founded by a certain Dionysios who, following the orders that he had been given in a dream, set up altars in his house to perform “cleansings and mysteries.” He was also commanded to open his house “to men and women, free people and household slaves.” The purifications and mysteries are not explained in the inscription, but they appear to have been associated either with Zeus Soter (Zeus the Savior) or with Agdistis, a Phrygian manifestation of the Mother of the Gods, or both. Christian polemicists often dismissed Greek mystery cults as orgiastic and characterized by various excesses; however, participation in this household cult required the observance of a strict ethical code and involved the ritual touching of the stone on which the cult group’s regulations were inscribed, evidently as a way of certifying one’s compliance with that code.
Instructions for the Netherworld: The Orphic Gold Tablets (Brill, 2008), Alberto Bernabé Pajares, Ana Isabel Jiménez San Cristóbal:
The macarism formulas of the other tablets express the initiate's newly acquired status with greater clarity: 'You have been born a god, from the man that you were. Happy and fortunate, you will be god, from mortal that you were. Come, Caecilia Secundina, legitimately changed into a goddess'. In Pindar (fr. 137 Maehl.), we find a reference that seems to allude to a similar doctrine, albeit in an Eleusinian environment: 'Happy is he who, having contemplated that, goes beneath the earth! For he knows the end of life, and knows the beginning given by Zeus'. We no doubt have to do with a mystery ritual, in which happiness after death is promised... Behind Dionysus are the personages of his retinue, the world of the bebaccheumenoi or initiates in Bacchus or Dionysus Lysios, the god who liberates the blessed after death...On the other side of the temple there is an allusion to the condemned, Actaeon and two mortals who did not receive Dionysus when they had the chance... the promise of a better fate after death, and the differentiation between initiates and non-initiates are also characteristic of the mysteries of Dionysus...

The narrator then refers to “the experience you never had before”. This is not just any experience, but, as indicated by the de nite article, it is “the” experience. Taking the context into consideration (the reference to being converted into a god and the new mention of the mystical phrase of the kid fallen into the milk, which, as we have already seen, evoke rebirth and the happiness of the new of identification with the god), the experience alluded to may be death or initiation, or better yet, as Burkert would have it, both at the same time. In making this affirmation, he bases himself on an interesting text by Plutarch: "In this world [sc. the soul] has no knowledge, except when it reaches the moment of death. It then undergoes an experience like that of those who participate in the great initiations. This is why they resemble each other so much, both in word and in action. First there is a wandering without direction, the tiring turns and running about in the darkness with the suspicion that they are never going to end, and then, before one reaches the actual end, all the terrors, shudders, trembling, sweat, and confusion. From here, however, a wonderful light comes to greet him, and he is received by pure places and meadows, full of sounds, dances, and the solemnity of sacred words and sacred visions. Once he has had his ll of this and has been initiated, he becomes free and walks as a free man. Crowned, he celebrates the mysteries and in the company of holy and pure men, he sees from there the uninitiated, impure crowd of living beings, in the midst of the mud and the darkness, trampling and pushing one another, persisting in the fear of death and the union of the malevolent, for lack of faith in the good things that are there."

The initiatory experience prepares us for death, and in death there is a repetition of what was experienced in initiation. The result for the initiate, both in initiation and in death, is the passage to a state of felicity, coinciding with identification with the god... Dionysus fulfills a purificatory function in a personal and eschatological sense: he assists the initiate at the junction of the limit between life and death, between the human and the divine. Liberation after death is a consequence of initiation in the mysteries, carried out during life... No doubt the liberation granted to the deceased by Dionysus-Bacchus requires first of all initiation, and second it is necessary that one lead a life that is subject to specific norms of purity, and, finally, that one submit oneself to the god's judgement... Thus we see that the formula, in any one of it's variants, is always expressed after a reference to a rebirth as a god after death... Whatever interpretation we are to give this phrase must therefore move between the coordinates of rebirth and identification with a god, both of which conditions produce a great happiness...

In the Gurob Papyrus there is an explicit mention of the fact that the initiate drinks to ease his thirst during the ritual, and wine is even mentioned, also in a context of liberation in which Dionysus appears as a savior god... In support of the interpretation of seeing in our text an echo of initiatory practices, we may mention several texts and figurative representations that inform us on the use of wine in this type of rite. Here, wine drinking was no simple pastime or pleasure, but a solemn sacrament, in the course which the wine was converted into a liquor of immortality... In a sense, drinking wine entails drinking the god: thus, Cicero (Nat. deor., 3, 41) does not consider it an exaggeration that some should believe they were drinking the god when they brought the cup to their lips, given that the wine was called Liber. Among figurative representations, we may cite an Italic vase in which Dionysus is carrying out a miracle: without human intervention, the wine pours from the grapes to the cups... Wine, a drink related par excellence to the mysteries of Dionysus, must have formed an essential part of the initiatory ceremonies that the deceased carried out during his life... Another representation that deserves to be mentioned in this context is a relief from the Farnesina in Rome, in which wine plays an eschatological and mystical role. The scene represents the Bacchic initiation of a boy; on the initiate’s right, a satyr pours wine into a crater and begins to drink: integration within the new group is manifested by the feast of wine...

Moreover, we know from a Rhodian inscription that associations of thiasoi offered crowns as a prize or reward during life, which continued to be recognized after death. The philosopher Theo of Smyrna describes the stages of an initiatory ritual that consists first in purification, followed by the performance of a ritual, contemplation, and the initiate’s coronation, all of which produced a state of happiness in him. Once again, the initiatory ritual, the world of death and the soul’s destiny are implicated in the metaphor of the crown, simultaneously mystical, triumphal and symposiacal, a rich combination of aspects, woven together like the leaves and flowers that compose it. The parody of initiation in the Clouds can also be remembered, where Socrates gives the initiand a crown and explains to him the procedure followed by all the initiates. There follows a new expression, which is difficult to interpret:

"I plunged beneath the lap of my lady, the subterranean queen."

There can be no doubt that the lady in question is Persephone, and that the initiate establishes a special relation with her. After liberating himself from the cycle of births, and surging forth to obtain the crown, thanks to this intimate relation with the goddess, the initiate achieves his goal absolutely, is transformed, and reappears, happy, deified and compared to a kid fallen into the milk. The subject of debate is in what such a special relation consists concretely...

In the light of these texts, the initiate takes refuge in the protective lap of the goddess. However, although this connotation is acceptable, it still remains insufficient for understanding why the transformation takes place. It therefore seems necessary to have recourse to an interpretation that goes further. Here, too, a starting point is Dieterich, who sees in the formula an allusion to a kind of second birth from the divine mother after death. Burkert, who comes out in favor of this line of interpretation, relates the phrase to a passage from the end of Plato’s Republic (621a), where the souls, once they have chosen their destiny, must “pass beneath the throne of Necessity”. Burkert considers that the phrase we are studying and the Platonic one are illustrations of the same ritual sphere: we have clearly to do with a ritual of birth, which, in myth, leads to rebirth. He even presents as a parallel the Lady of Baza, a seated statue of an Iberian goddess with a hollow beneath her lap, in which the ashes of a dead person were deposited... Still more interesting, since they are closer in space and time, are a series of votive terracotta figurines, dated between the 4th and 2nd centuries B.C., and found in temples in South Etruria and Latium. They represent goddesses with a child, half of whose body appears beneath her clothing, sometimes accompanied by a bird. Such images have been interpreted as a symbol of the initiate’s penetration within the goddess’ bosom in order to be born again. Other similar figures show the goddess suckling a child. In the light of these figures, it is appropriate to interpret that when the initiate says ‘I plunged beneath the lap’, it means that he penetrates inside the goddess’ womb in order to be born again, converted into a god. His falling into the milk would imply that he is transformed into a nursling of the goddess’ milk (cf. the sarcophagus of Tarquinia, discussed in App. II n. 9).

This belief has been compared with various Oriental myths and rituals in which the dead person returns to the uterus of the mother... the fact is that we seem to have reasons to suppose that the Orphic initiate, re-creating very ancient beliefs of the Mediterranean world, believed that after having been born from his mother’s womb, he is received at his death by the womb of Mother Earth, from which he is reborn, but to a new, higher, and divine life. Let us recall, in this respect, that the ancient Great Mother of the Aegean was later adored by the Greeks in the figures of Aphrodite, Demeter, and Persephone, and also that death, for the Orphic initiate, is the beginning of eternal life, and that both, life and death, are not always antithetical, as is demonstrated by the Olbian expressions life/death/ life. In sum, the womb of Persephone is simultaneously the womb of the earth, also used as a reference to the innermost part of the underworld regions, the protective womb of the mother or nursemaid in which the child takes refuge, and the maternal womb from which the initiate hopes to be reborn, transfigured and divinized...

However, Egyptian and Near Eastern sources exist from much earlier with this motif of the divine nursemaid, as is the case of Nephthys and Isis suckling the divine child Horus or the pharaoh in the afterlife... Britt Marie Friedh-Haneson has suggested the following interpretation for some of these examples: the suckling personage—whether adult or child—would represent the deceased as adopted by the goddess of the afterlife, who offers him the milk of immortality. In sanctuaries and tombs, the offerings of these terracottas suggest the initiate’s adoption of a new life through divine maternity: he is reborn, and through this rite of transition he changes his condition and status. Friedh-Haneson associates these images with Orphic religion, which could have incorporated various influences from the Mediterranean, including those from Egypt. She takes up the enigmatic expression of the tablets from Thurii “like a kid I fell into the milk” (cf. L 8, 4; L 9, 8), which she associates with the suckling of Dionysus—and of the initiate as Dionysus—by the goddess Persephone. Likewise, she alludes to tablet L9 from Thurii, in which we find the expression “I plunged beneath the lap of my lady, the subterranean queen”, which we can relate to those images in which the goddess’ mantle receives the initiate.

We also reproduce here the drawing of an Etruscan mirror from Perugia, currently in the National Library at Paris, studied by FriedhHaneson ( g. 15).34 Some authors interpret the scene engraved on this mirror as the adoption of Heracles by Hera, as the adult hero’s entry into his new, divine condition. The mythic episode takes place on a decorated bed, beneath the protective mantle of Hera and the offering of her bare breast. The image represents the hero’s symbolic second birth. The figure standing next to the bed, who observes the reclining couple attentively, could be Athena, the Etruscan MENRVA or Minerva... Indirectly, the mirror associates the theme of the terracottas with the motifs indicated in the tablets, but it warns us about the fact that we may have to do with various adoptive goddesses in the images of suckling, of whom Persephone is only one... Since the beginning of the 20th century, historians of religion have compared the refrigerium in the Beyond of some Orphic tablets with this eschatological development of ancient Egypt. The suckling by which the deceased is initiated into the Orphic-Dionysiac rituals may also have vague parallels in the funerary images of Egypt.
Ritual Texts for the Afterlife: Orpheus and the Bacchic Gold Tablets (Routledge, 2007), Fritz Graf, Sarah Iles Johnston:
According to one tradition, Rhea brought together the pieces of the dismembered god and then revived him. Philodemus relates this story in the service of explaining why Dionysus is said to have been born thrice: once from “his mother,” he says, a second time from Zeus’ thigh and a third time, after his dismemberment by the Titans, when Rhea collected the pieces and revived him. Philodemus claims that the Hellenistic poet Euphorion “agrees with these things” and that “the Orphics are absolutely fixated on them.” In the first century CE, Cornutus reports that “according to myth” Rhea revived Dionysus after he had been torn apart by the Titans. Similarly, Diodorus Siculus says that Demeter (who was often equated with Rhea from the fifth century onwards, including in Orphic contexts; see n. 32 below) arranged the pieces of Dionysus “from which he was born anew” and that “the teachings set forth in the Orphic poems, which are introduced into their rites,” agree with them, but “it is not lawful to reveal them in detail to the uninitiated.” The following points seem clear, then: at least as early as Euphorion, there was a story that Rhea revived Dionysus after his dismemberment that could be regarded as “Orphic"...

Depending on which particular version of the story we choose to follow, Dionysus’ revival parallels that of other children who had been sacrificed and then revived (e.g., Pelops); parallels that of Osiris, whose dismembered pieces were cared for by Isis, a goddess similar to Rhea and Demeter... Notably, whichever version we take, Dionysus’ revival also serves as an implicit parallel for what the initiates themselves anticipated: they, too, would die but, in somewhat the same fashion as Dionysus, they would win a new existence after death.
Notice that Philodemus says the Orphics are "absolutely fixated" on the death and resurrection of Dionysus. Knowing that in other mystery cult rituals and the Egyptian mortuary ritual initiates reenacted the experiences of the deity, it seems very likely that Dionysus initiates imitated Dionysus during their initiation rituals. Especially since Dionysus is constantly associated with Osiris who we know for sure Egyptians emulated during rituals.

Tracing Orpheus: Studies of Orphic Fragments (De Gruyter; 2011), Albert Henrichs:
According to Philodemus, the god's "third birth" occured when Rhea put him together again after he had been killed and dismembered by the Titans... In a later section of Piet. that deals with divine wounds and deformations, the reference to Dionysos' dismemberment by the Titans is repeated almost verbatim, with or without mention of rebirth (N 1088 XI 14-21; HV II 9 = OF 59 II): 'Some (report) that Dionysos too [came back to life] after his dismemberment by the Titans when his limbs were reassembled and his wounds [healed] by Rhea.'

The dismemberment of Dionysos and the reassembling of his limbs correspond to the fate of Osiris as described by Greek sources. The reconstitution of the divine body in particular has been taken as a sign of Egyptianizing influence on the Zagreus myth in the early Ptolemaic period... In the lines that follow after the reference to the Orphics, the death of, and lament for, Adonis as well as the mourning rituals for Egyptian gods like Osiris are mentioned as further examples of gods who experience death. The fragment that precedes N 247 III deals in rapid succession with the violent deaths of the Kyklopes, Asklepios and Kheiron. It is obvious that this particular section of Piet. was concerned with divine deaths and that the enumeration of the three births of Dionysos functions as a priamel in disguise in which the first two items – the god’s double birth from Semele and from the thigh of Zeus – prepare the stage for the third, namely his return to life or his ‘rebirth’ after his dismemberment by the Titans. It is his extreme form of death that puts Dionysos into the ranks of ‘dying gods’ as defined by J. G. Frazer. Yet the ultimate emphasis in Philodemos’ text is not on Dionysos’ violent death, but on the reconstitution of his limbs by Rhea and thus on his rebirth. As has been pointed out by Alberto Bernabe and others, the revived Dionysos who died and came back to life again was regarded as a divine role model for the Dionysac initiates and their expectations of a happy afterlife.
The 'Orphic' Gold Tablets and Greek Religion: Further Along the Path (Cambridge University Press, 2011), edited by Radcliffe G. Edmonds III:
In the Greek world we find crowns in contexts related to the banquet, the funerary world, the triumph of athletic competition and a number of mystical symbols which serve as tokens for recognition of the initiates. All these values find an echo in Orphic testimonies which provide a solid context for the coherent interpretation of the crown of the Thurii leaf. But perhaps the most interesting texts in relation to the use of crowns are those about the rites which the Orphics fulfill in the Afterlife. In Plato’s Republic the crown and the wine symbolize the eternal happiness promised to the initiates. The crown would be in relation to the banquet, since it is a perpetual banquet that is promised to a good mystes...

The same panorama is found in two passages of Aristophanes: a fragment which refers to some crowned initiates taking part in a banquet in the Afterlife, and the parody of Clouds in which Socrates, after alluding to a ceremony of enthronement of an initiate, offers him a crown because among them such is the usual practice with initiates. The crown reappears as a symbol of afterlife blessing in a passage of Plutarch which describes the experiences that the soul suffers after death, taking as references those experienced by the mystes during the initiation. The funerary and the initiatic appear again united in a poem of unknown authorship from the mid-third century bce which echoes the language and the ideology of the leaves. The addressee of this poem is the tragic poet Philicus, whose head, in the moment he left for the Isles of the Blessed, is crowned with ivy, probably as a sign of his initiation in the mysteries. The symbolism of the funerary crown has ritual echoes because the crown is a sign of identity of the initiated deceased, as it had been for the members of the thiasoi described by Demosthenes and Plutarch. To sum up, obtaining a crown after death meant the triumph of the initiated over the cycle of reincarnations, signalling a culminating point. Thus, in the Orphic evidence the rite, the realm of death, and the destiny of the soul are implied in the metaphor of the crown, mystical, triumphal and sympotic at the same time. Orphism offers, then, the most adequate context for the right interpretation of the crown in the leaf of Thurii.
Ancient Greek Cults: A Guide (Univ of Wisconsin Press, 1995), Jennifer Larson:
Demeter’s origins as a grain goddess must lie in the Neolithic period with the advent of agriculture... Demeter and Kore were frequently worshiped together under such names as the Two Goddesses, the Thesmophoroi, or the Great Goddesses... The sacred objects used and acts performed during the Thesmophoria were kept secret. We hear of ritual dances, processions, and special foods, particularly bread... we know that Demeter was an important figure in the harvest folklore of Greek peasants, who sang songs to her as they reaped... For a thousand years, people traveled to the small town of Eleusis in Attica in order to experience something profound, something that soothed their fears of death and enhanced their lives immeasurably. This most prestigious of mystery cults must have begun as a local rite open only to the people living nearby, but gradually it accommodated ever-larger numbers, including slaves and foreigners... Certainly the initiates were guided on an emotional path from confusion and grief to confidence and joy, and this progression seems to have corresponded to the events in a ritual drama depicting Kore’s return from the underworld and her reunion with Demeter... On a steep slope of the Akrokorinthos, some fifteen minutes’ walk from the city center, Demeter’s principal sanctuary at Korinth was constructed in a series of three terraces... In the sixth century came a major architectural development: numerous dining rooms were constructed on the lower terrace. Ritual dining in this area was probably not new, but the Korinthians now expended considerable resources on dining facilities... The ritual menu seems to have focused not on sacrificial meat, but on grain-based foods. One of the characteristic votive offerings at this site was the terracotta liknon (winnowing fan) filled with a variety of model breads and cakes... Who partook of these meals is a mystery. On the one hand, elaborate dining facilities, reclining posture, and wine consumption are associated with men’s symposia. Yet the abundance of women’s votive offerings, the emphasis on grain-based foods, and the fact that this was a Demeter sanctuary point toward a women’s festival such as the Thesmophoria.
Romanising Oriental Gods: Myth, Salvation, and Ethics in the Cults of Cybele, Isis, and Mithras (Brill, 2008), Jaime Alvar:
Triumph over destiny and admission to eternal felicity were however only possible through divine suffering. That is why the mysteries needed divinities who had had some experience of something like the human condition, had themselves lived historically, so that they could function as models. Their adherents might suffer pain and torment, but with the god's aid they could overcome them...

It is typical of the gods of the oriental cults that they have some experience of human existence characterised by direct contact with death. Some indeed suffered it themselves, which would be unthinkable for the Olympian gods, whose manifold experiences do not include their own deaths... Moreover, the mystery gods’ direct experience of death is fundamental to what they were subsequently able to achieve: life can triumph only because they have gained immortality. Death brings them close to human beings, while the rebirth they offer has a grandeur about it unattainable by the traditional gods of the Graeco-Roman pantheon... In my view, however, the triumph over Fate remains a constant; and, from a certain point in the High Empire, salvation in the other world came to be a deep conviction shared among many of the adherents of the oriental cults. The main reason for thinking this is that their central rituals, to which I shall later devote more particular attention, are in fact initiatory, and were replete with the symbolism of death and resurrection. Since this symbolism is so transparent, it seems perverse to deny the centrality of the belief in these cults.

Of course, it is not merely the fact that they have lived that defines these gods as mystery-divinities. There can be nothing more anthropomorphic than the Homeric gods, with their enviable vices and virtues. However the most striking peculiarity of those traditional deities was that they had no share in one of the most private of human experiences, death. They were immortal. By contrast, the gods of the oriental cults shared with their adherents in one way or another the ultimate rite of passage, the transition from being to not-being. Thanks to this experience they acquired a special claim to be able to attend to the problems, anxieties and needs of human beings, so much so that these concerns are to all appearances the main preoccupations of the divine world. This was certainly the case in the first three centuries AD...

We cannot decide for certain whether the ritual banquet was a recent innovation in the mysteries or in some sense ‘original’. But there is some archaeological evidence in favour of the assumption that it was an early feature of these cults as they spread into the Mediterranean. Serapeum A at Delos for example, which was built c. 240 BC, has a dining-room of c. 40 m2 next door to the temple, which would be enough to entertain a small number of people (either because there were no more in the group or because not everyone attended at the same time). Maiistas, the temple-aretalogist, describes the ensemble in his foundation-narrative: "Because you (i.e. Serapis) willed it so, the temple, and the incense-burning altars and the entire temenos were built with ease, and all the seats and couches were constructed in the big hall for the banquets to which the god summons (his followers).” The expression θεοκλήτους ἐπὶ δαῖτας surely indicates the sacral, perhaps even sacramental, character of these feasts. Many invitations to such Serapis-banquets have been found on ancient rubbish-dumps in Egypt, particularly at Oxyrhynchus...

We can certainly say that such meals were usual in all three of these cults: the common meal is one of the most effective means of integrating the members of a community and creating feelings of solidarity, thus providing a significant contrast to the world outside; it is also a central focus of funerary celebrations. The mithraeum is indeed a perfect exemplification of this aim, with its podia, in the form of extended klinai, running down each side of the building, and the tauroctony, the god performing his sacrifice, on the back wall... Seen in a functional light, the sacred banquet is important because of the different levels at which it can be seen to contribute to group cohesion. Performatively, it turns aspects of the mythical account of the natural cycle into action and direct speech, for greater immediacy of comprehension. Symbolically, it links the acceptance of death to the continuance of life, thus representing human life, and death, as a special case of a universal rhythm. The site where the ritual is celebrated is also of central importance, since it establishes links between locus, symposiast and deity. Mithraea are again an excellent illustration, since, at any rate ideally, they systematically reproduced the set of ideas through which the individual initiate could relate to the god’s example, which in this case itself included a sacral banquet together with Helios/Sol.
Exclusion and Judgment in Fellowship Meals: The Socio-historical Background of 1 Corinthians 11:17-34 (ISD LLC, 2017) Jamir Lanuwabang:
The characteristic feature of the sacrificial meal was the strong association with the gods who acted as the host of these meals and were supposed to be present with the participants. For example, the Oxyrhynchus Papyri reveals the invitation sent by the gods to the inhabitants of the town: "The exegetes requests (sic) you to dine in the temple of Demeter today, which is the 9th, beginning at the 7th hour (1 p.m.)” A comparable invitation to dine "at the table of Lord Serapis” is found in at least three other papyri-Oxyrhynchus Papyri 110, 523, 1484. This is also seen from stone inscriptions of the cult banquets of Zeus at Panamara in the region of Caria in Asia Minor; in this inscription the god invites various cities of the region to attend his festive celebration...A general view is seen in the writings of Xenophon: “The goddess provided for the worshippers barley, bread, wine, and dried fruit, and a portion of the sacrificial victims from the sacred land and a portion of the animals captured in the hunt." This explains why these meals are referred to as the "table of the god" with the priest acting as the representative of the god.

In other cases the gods were guests at the banquet. This is seen in the sacrificial meal (theoxenia), which literally means "hosting the gods." In these meals the presence of the god was probably represented by his cult image and by assigning a place and food at the table. In the lovis Epulum the worshippers participated in serving the god at the banquet. All these data indicate the important role the cultic meals played in the mystery religions and cults. The meals were connecting links between the deities and the worshippers and a platform to express their devotion and experience the divine reality. In the mystery religions, initiates underwent secret ceremonies to attain membership into the cult and it was believed that through these ceremonies they became recipients of salvation. Here also the essential element of the mystery was a fellowship meal which was considered as sacred in nature. By participating in the meal the initiate got a new status and identity and the sacred meal acted to enhance the bond between the initiate with the deities, in whose fate the partaker receives a share. A good example of this kind can be seen in the cult of Serapis. The union was achieved through the means of the fellowship meals and thus the meals came to be denoted as "couch of Serapis." This sacramental feature associated with the fellowship meals was common to many of the religious groups. One of the popular cults in the Greco-Roman world, the Eleusinian mysteries, held their annual festival which consisted of rites and a festive meal that were considered sacramental in nature. The cult of Dionysus and the Mithraic mysteries which were widespread in the ancient world also show that there were feastings... The description of the cult meals in the form of liturgy and hymn in the Mystery Cult of Isis and Serapis by Lucius and by Aelius Aristides along with the Oxyrhynchus Papyri that talk about meal invitation of these cults involving Serapis, indicate that the meals were regarded as sacramental. Bultmann argues further that the idea of communion brought about by the sacramental meal was not unique to the mystery religions alone; but it was wide spread in primitive and classic cults. Though the issue of sacramentality of these cult meals is still debated, it is clear that they played significant religious as well as social roles in the community. One can agree with Horsley who concludes that: "although it was a matter of some disagreement earlier in the century, there is now a clear consensus that these banquets had a fundamental religious character."
Last edited by nightshadetwine on Wed Oct 04, 2023 1:24 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

Post by nightshadetwine »

The Roman Cult of Mithras: The God and His Mysteries (Routledge, 1990), Manfred Claus:
The killing of the bull has nothing to do with mere slaughter or destruction, rather with transfiguration and transformation. The transformation is often depicted, namely in the cases in which cornears or a cluster of grapes are shown beneath the wound on the bull’s neck, or the tail ends in one or more ears of corn. … The significance attributed in the mysteries to grain and wine, the two most important basic foodstuffs in the ancient world, can easily be seen in the cult-legend. As I described earlier, Mithras kills the bull that he has overcome, and at that point an extraordinary transformation occurs: ears of wheat grow out of its tail, and grapes burgeon from the blood at the knife-wound...
Mystery Cults, Theatre and Athenian Politics: A Reading of Euripides' Bacchae and Aristophanes' Frogs (Bloomsbury Academic, 2023), Luigi Barzini:
Initiation (τελετή) from τελεῖν (accomplish, finish), originally meant ‘accomplishment’, ‘performance’. The term is characteristically used to denote initiation in the mysteries, and in plural to mystic rites practised at initiation, such as the festival accompanied by mystic rites. This term covers a wide semantic field. Meanings include ‘initiation in the mysteries’ but also ‘accomplishment’, ‘fulfilment’, ‘perfection’ and ‘completion’, terms that express the spiritual weight that mystery initiation had for the Greeks in terms of the spiritual state of the individual...

We now turn to the nature of the two Athenian mystery cults and their definition in ethnological terms. In many respects, the Athenian Eleusinian and Dionysiac mystery cults are very similar. The twin role of the deities as coming to the polis of Athens as foreigners, xenoi, and of their giving of gifts to mankind, the collective polis-wide mode of their festivals, their life-changing initiation rituals and their eschatological content are some of the shared elements of the two cults... In the Hymn, the crisis is cosmic and imperils the relationship between mankind and divinity. The whole cosmos is separated: Demeter leaves Olympus in search of her daughter; Persephone leaves her mother and disappears into Hades; Demeter stops the growth of vegetation threatening the survival of mankind and the continuation of those sacrifices that ensure the goodwill of divinity towards mankind. Only the establishment of a new interconnection within the cosmos by the renewal of the fertility of nature and the establishment of initiation rituals can save both mankind and Olympus. The Hymn creates, in Strauss Clay’s words, ‘an irreversible alteration in the organization of cosmic space … its concerns are the relations among the gods, their relations with mortals, and the repercussions of both on spatial and temporal realms’...

Still, the sense of restored cohesion of the community through the newly instituted Eleusinian rituals, what Seaford calls ‘the resolution of the crisis’ that the Hymn creates through a new ‘interconnection of the sectors of the cosmos’, marks also an early expression of that polarity that inspires Greek religious and political thought. The new order separates the community into two parts, those whom Demeter defines as the believers who perform due rituals (εὐαγέως ἔρδοντες) (274), and those whom Hades defines as failing to appease the goddess’ power with sacrifices, rites and offerings. Hades uses the same terms for worshippers that Demeter uses (εὐαγέως ἔρδοντες), while he defines non-believers as those who have done wrong (ἀδικησάντες), and will receive retribution (τίσις) (367–369)...

In the Hymn, this ultimate cosmic crisis can only be overcome by the collective effort of the polis in establishing the cult of Demeter... To summarize, the Hymn establishes some of the fundamental values of the Eleusinian cult. The first is the political role of Demeter, the goddess who comes from afar to the polis of Eleusis as a stranger and causes a development in the social structure of the polis, a role similar to that of the god Dionysus in Bacchae. The second is the collective and ordered response of the socially and gender inclusive polis that, through the adhesion to the goddess’ mystical cult and the construction of her temple, resolves a universal crisis that threatens both mankind and the gods. The third is the radical change of the social structure of the community where the goddess establishes a direct contact with the demos, while the rulers become the cult’s ministers...

The two deities share some defining characteristics. First, both are described in myth as coming to Attica from abroad as outsiders, strangers, xenoi. In Athens, the legendary advent of the two deities was celebrated with xenismoi, public rituals of welcome and entertainment of the ‘foreign’ gods, according to Plutarch. In myth, the two deities came to Attica from abroad as xenoi at the same time, while Pandion was Athens’ king, according to Apollodorus. Celeus received Demeter and Icarius received Dionysus... Both xenoi gods brought gifts to humankind, gifts whose acceptance cause a deep transformation of social structures, after the initial and often violent disorder created by the arrival of the ‘new’.
Religions of the Ancient World: A Guide (Harvard University Press, 2004), Sarah I. Johnson:
It is not by chance that Herodotus - who otherwise makes constant use of Greek names everywhere - uses the Egyptian names Osiris for what "the Egyptians say is Dionysus" (2.42) and Isis for she who is "Demeter in the language of the Greeks". This linguistic habit, however, has consequences. Hellenistic Isis can be depicted with the attributes of Demeter, take over her epithets, such as "bringer of wealth" or "lawgiver", and be described with qualities that come from Greece...

The myth of Demeter and her daughter, who is called both Kore (Maiden) and Persephone, was associated already in antiquity with mysteries held in Eleusis, a town fourteen miles west of Athens. The myth appears in several, slightly different versions, of which the best known is the Homeric Hymn to Demeter. Hades, king of the underworld, snatched Persephone away to be his wife. Demeter searched desperately for her missing daughter and, having discovered Persephone's fate, retreated in grief from the gods' company, disguised herself as an old woman, and took work as a nursemaid in the royal Eleusinian family. When her secret attempt to immortalize the family's son was interrupted, however, Demeter became angry and, throwing off her disguise, cast the earth into famine. Under pressure, Zeus compelled Hades to return Persephone to her mother, but Hades first gave Persephone pomegranate seeds to eat, which obligated her to return to the underworld for part of each year thereafter. Hades promised Persephone that as his wife, she would have power over "everything that lives and moves" and the ability to punish those who displeased her. Demeter, reunited with her daughter, restored fertility to the fields and instructed the Eleusinians in her mysteries, promising blessings to initiates both during life and after death and warning that the uninitiated would face an afterlife in dank darkness...

It is likely, for example, that individuals some how imitated Demeter's experiences during initiation and in doing so passed from grief to joy (ancient sources mention such a transition) - we know that they drank a mixture called the kykeon, which Demeter also is said to have drunk in the Hymn, and that in doing so, like Demeter, they broke a fast. It is possible that they watched a dramatic reenactment of Persephone's kidnapping and return (a cave on the site looks like a probable setting for the kidnapping, and we are told that a bronze gong was rung during the mysteries to signify Persephone's return). Some sort of ritual probably took place around a special well in the precinct, which is echoed in the Hymn by Demeter's encounter at a well with daughters of the Eleusinian king. Thematically, too, the Hymn resonates with concerns addressed in the mysteries, most prominently the hope that a special relationship with Demeter and Persephone would protect one from the direst aspects of the mortal lot...

Upon arrival at Eleusis, initiates entered a walled precinct - and it is here that our certain information dwindles; under threat of death, initiates kept their secrets well. We do know that whatever happened inside the precinct consumed three days and that it culminated at night inside a hall called the Telesterion-literally, the place of "completion" or "initiation." Something highly significant was shown to the initiates in a sudden burst of torch light (one ancient source that many scholars judge trustworthy claims that it was "just a sheaf of wheat"; the significance of the object, whatever it was, may have been largely symbolic). We know that each initiate had to have his or her own mystagogos - a guide who had already been initiated and thus could ensure that the initiate completed the process correctly. We know that initiates heard and said special things and felt that they had personal contact with Demeter and Persephone... The myth connected with Isiac mysteries comes to us only in the 1st centuries BCE and CE and closely mimics that of Eleusinian Demeter (Diodorus Siculus r.21-25; Plutarch, On Isis and Osiris 12-19 ). That Isis seeks and then mourns her husband Osiris, rather than her child, underscores the close link between the two spouses, which was already important in Egypt.
Notice the mention of Demeter meeting the daughters of the Eleusinian king at a well. I think the story of Jesus meeting a woman at a well in gJohn might be influenced by the Demeter story. There seems to be a mystery cult influence on gJohn.

The Routledge Companion to Ecstatic Experience in the Ancient World (Routledge, 2021), Diana Stein, Sarah Kielt Costello, Karen Polinger Foster:
The Eleusinian Mysteries focused upon themes of death and the afterlife, in reference to the myth surrounding the two deities: Demeter, the goddess of harvest and fertility; and her daughter Persephone (known also as Kore or ‘maiden’), who was abducted by Hades and taken to the Underworld. The Homeric Hymn remains the most extensive account of the myth and details the capture of Persephone, the following search for her by the grief-stricken Demeter and the eventual reunion of mother and daughter, all themes that are prevalent throughout the ceremonies held at Eleusis (Clinton 2007; Mylonas 1961). In celebrating these myths, initiates were also promised the secrets of the Mysteries, which involved an unveiling of the perceived realities of death and the afterlife. Pursuit of this knowledge was gained through the initiation ceremonies, which culminated in the moment of attainment or enlightenment, a transformational experience that gave initiates a new perspective on life and death: "Blessed is he of men on earth who has beheld them, whereas he that is uninitiated in the rites, or he that has had no part in them, never enjoys a similar lot down in the musty dark when he is dead." (Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 480–2)...

The next day would involve a salt-water bath in the ocean at Phaleron, along with sacrificial piglets (Mylonas 1961: 249). This act allowed the cleansing and purification of the body and such rites were customary in other mystery cults (Graf 2003: 244)... The walls of the sanctuary guarded the Mysteries within, and before initiates could cross the sacred threshold, they must first be suitably prepared... In preparation for the main ritual ceremonies—the telete—initiates would spend the day fasting, both as an act of purification and in echo of Demeter’s fasting following Persephone’s abduction (Homeric Hymn, lines 197–201). Kykeon was a drink mentioned periodically in Greek literature that consisted of a mixture of ingredients with some key components, although slight variations can be found in different accounts... It is thought that in the context of the Eleusinian Mysteries, the kykeon may not have included wine, so that initiates would mimic the experiences of Demeter in refusing the wine and drinking kykeon instead...

The sacred rites of the Greater Mysteries consisted of three elements: the dromena (things enacted), the deiknymena (things shown) and the legomena (things spoken), which together formed the secrets of the Mysteries (Mylonas 1961: 261). The dromena is thought to involve a re-enactment of the founding myth of the Mysteries, where initiates took on the role of the goddess Demeter, searching for her abducted daughter, Persephone. This would have taken place at night time, likely assisted by torches (Mylonas 1961; Noack 1927). Such an experience would have led initiates through a range of emotions, mirroring those experienced by Demeter in the Homeric Hymn, from the panic and anxiety of Persephone’s abduction to the grief-stricken search for her, followed by mourning and loss. The extremes of these emotions would have heightened the feeling of jubilation when Persephone was finally “found”... Chryssanthi Papadopoulou (2019) suggests that the initiates remained silent throughout the search for Persephone as they were (for the sake of the re-enactment) “dead”. In this way, they would experience Persephone’s fear, confusion and descent, and thereby acquire their own bodily knowledge of the Underworld...

From Plutarch’s passage (Moralia, 81D–E), we can infer that at the culmination of the Mysteries, an epiphanic moment is visualized by a great light (Clinton 2004)... But what did this great light hope to impart to initiates? Presumably, its placement within the ceremonies afforded it a critical, symbolic meaning. Perhaps it functioned as ontological proof of Demeter’s existence and her physical presence at the culmination of initiation was like the “divine light” she exhibited in the Homeric Hymn (line 189), which was so strong that her apparition was almost unbearable to witness. Thus, the great light was both the epiphany of the goddess and an encounter between the mortal and divine realm. However, if we were to view the light in more abstract terms, we could instead attribute it to an individual experience as opposed to a collective encounter. In the same way that Persephone returned from the Underworld, the initiates emerged from their death-like experience, with a newfound knowledge of the intricacies of life and death. In this sense, they were reborn as the initiated. The fear they may have suffered prior to the ceremonies would have dissolved, replaced by epiphany and ecstasy in facing death at the borders of the Underworld and overcoming their fear. The light may then represent a more abstract and unspecified notion of divine presence. Or indeed it may have blinded the mystai and epoptai, once again reclaiming their vision, albeit momentarily. Much as a newborn is blinded upon first entering the world, so too the initiated returned into their newly informed knowledge, cloaked in the safety of the collective, their blinking eyes slowly adjusting to the landscape of the mortal world. The visual spectacle of the great light acted as the transformative cognitive process through which initiates were deemed fully initiated, their new status confirmed to them through the glow of ecstasy that radiated from within themselves.
Narrating Myths: Story and Belief in Ancient Greece (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015), Sarah Iles Johnston:
The story of Persephone’s annual return from the world of the dead, for example, when narrated in connection with the Eleusinian mysteries, was not meant to suggest that initiates into the mysteries would similarly return from the Underworld for a portion of each year after they had died, but rather reminded them that initiation ensured them happier existences down below once they had gotten there. Persephone’s experiences were a metaphor for those of the initiates; the two shared the salient characteristic of being partial triumphs over death but differed insofar as, among other things, although Persephone annually returned to the world of the living, the dead initiates did not.
Defining Orphism: The Beliefs, the teletae and the Writings (Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co KG, Apr 20, 2020), Anthi Chrysanthou:
However, we find the same word in Aristophanes’ Frogs in which Aeschylus specifically refers to Orpheus as the establisher of teletas: "Orpheus revealed mystic rites to us, and taught us to abstain from killings". In the same work Heracles warns Dionysos about the location in the underworld where there is ‘a great slough of ever-flowing dung’ in which lie all those who acted wrongly... Aristophanes relates this punishment to an impious life which is what the Orphikos bios opposed to in order to avoid afterlife punishments. Heracles goes on to say that ‘Next a breath of pipes will surround you, you’ll see a shining light, just like up here, then myrtle groves, and happy thiasoi of men and women mixed who loudly clap their hands’ whom he defines as those who have gone under mystic initiation...

And this specific telete was of a performative nature involving a journey in the darkness in imitation of a katabasis. This journey could have taken place either inside a cave, or subterranean location, or at a superterranean location with the use of a blindfold. A similar initiation might have been performed by the owners of the gold tablets. A katabatic mystery would not only serve as ‘practice’ for the actual afterlife journey but also symbolise the initiate’s death and rebirth as a purified member of the holy thiasos. The katabasis would eventually lead to an epiphany (through the mystic light) which would lead to an ascent to an open meadow. According to Plutarch fr.178, quoted above, after the journey into the darkness the initiate would be crowned with a garland, join in the revel of dance and music with the other initiates and converse with ‘pure and holy men’. This is parallel to the communal perception of the afterlife in the gold tablets where the initiate asks to be sent to the thiasoi of the blessed. It is not hard to imagine an initiation such as the one described in Plutarch being performed by the gold tablets’ owners where legomena such as the makarismoi of the tablets or a dialogue between the hierophant pretending to be Persephone and the initiate were also involved...

‘A ram/bull/kid you fell into milk': Apart from all the performative/ritual elements mentioned above, one formulaic phrase is particularly puzzling. This is the phrase of falling, or perhaps leaping, into milk as a ram, a bull or a kid. There have been a few interpretations of what it could mean, mostly in relation to a ritual... ‘“Happy and most blessed one, a god you shall be instead of a mortal.” A kid I fell into milk.’; ‘A god you have become from a man. A kid you fell into milk’."... . Also, the aorist verbs ‘you fell’ or ‘rushed to milk’ recall the assertions of initiates in other mystery-rites, which in turn usually refer back to a status transforming ritual performed by the speaker. This progression from "intensity to reassurance constitutes the dynamics or the implicit drama of the represented event". Such dynamics were characteristic of mystery-rites such as the Eleusinian. In general, mystery cults usually have three components: 1) the existence of mystai, 2) a death-like or suffering experience for the mystai and 3) a promise of a happy afterlife and present prosperity. It is possible, thus, that the milk phrase was either uttered or related to a ritual and that this ritual was related to motifs of death and ‘renewal’. In the case of the tablets this ‘renewal’ or change of status is a rebirth or an apotheosis since the phrase follows assertions such as ‘Now you have died and now you have been born’ [D1+D2] and ‘…a god you shall be instead of a mortal/man’ [A1+A4]...

The pair of Demeter and Kore are associated to the figure of Orpheus in relation to Lacedaemonia by Pausanias. He refers specifically to Κόρη Σωτείρα (Saviour Maid) and Demeter Chthonia... Demeter Chthonia and Kore Soteira are eschatological deities and in this respect are relevant to the Orphic eschatological beliefs discussed earlier. Kore Soteira is none other than Persephone, and her role as a saviour needs to be interpreted in relation to the afterlife, since she was the queen of the underworld. The epithet Soteira points to eschatological ideas of a blissful afterlife awarded by Persephone; an idea evident in the gold tablets to be discussed in Chapter 4. The attribution of the building of a temple to Orpheus can hardly be taken literally, but the association between Orpheus and Kore Soteira might have a reason since as established from non-Orphic sources so far, Orphic practices related to a blissful afterlife which was mediated by Persephone...

In a passage from Euripides’ Herakles, after returning from his descend into the underworld where he has met the daughter of Hades (Ἅιδου Κόρης), Herakles says that he has brought the three-headed monster Kerberus in daylight and adds that the monster is now located at the groves of Demeter at Hermione. Pausanias attests that near the temple of Klymenos which is opposite Chthonia’s temple there is a chasm in the earth through which ‘according to the legend of the Hermionians, Herakles brought up the Hound of Hell’. He furthermore says that he conquered the monster in fight because he was lucky enough to witness the rites of the initiated.This suggests a re-enactment of a katabasis ritual during initiation where the initiate would confront obstacles... The identification by Euripides through Herakles’ mouth of Chthonia’s grove at Hermione, and the reference of Herakles to initiation rites associated with the underworld, points to the presence of eschatological rites at Hermione. The fact that the legend of Herakles’ locating the entrance (or the exit?) of the underworld at Hermione is attested both by Euripides and Pausanias – who also refers to initiates – corroborates the performance of katabasis rituals.
So initiation into a salvation cult usually involves a water purification, some kind of ritual death and rebirth/resurrection, a reenactment of the experiences of a deity (sufferings and either a death and resurrection or a journey to the underworld and back) and a meal that integrates the new initiate into the cult and forms a bond between the initiates and the deity. Now I will return to the Egyptian mortuary ritual where all of these aspects of initiation seem to have possibly originated (or at least were believed to by Greeks and Romans).

"Baptism and initiation in the cult of Isis and Sarapis", Brook Pearson in Baptism, the New Testament and the Church: Historical and Contemporary Studies in Honour of R.E.O. White (Bloomsbury Academic, 1999), edited by Stanley E. Porter, Anthony R. Cross:
In ancient times, the Osiris myth was the basis for what are perhaps the first mysteries—the lawful succession of the pharaohs, their burial and eventual union with Osiris in the afterlife. This 'mystery' eventually became something in which not only kings but other Egyptians could partake, and, in time, spread across the known world, along with the worship of Isis and Sarapis...

This mosaic is connected with Isis and depicts a scene of the Nile Valley in flood. On it (center, left) is the representation of a temple with what looks much like a bath or, as Witt styles it, 'a kind of baptismal font'. In his rather more full discussion of the archaeology of the 50 or so sites of centralized worship in the Isis and Osiris cult, with specific reference to the water-related facilities, Wild suggests that 'they appear to have a significant function within the cult'. Wild is, however, in some disagreement with Salditt-Trappmann, who suggests that the 'crypt' of the Iseum at Gortyn on Crete was used for actual baptism. While he does not fully share Salditt-Trappmann's extended views on Isiac baptism, he does support this aspect of her interpretaion: 'That individuals entered basins in these crypts'- here referring to the widespread existence of crypts in Graeco-Roman Isea - 'to undergo a ritual drowning appears somewhat...credible.'... It does not seem that Wild has actually inspected the evidence at Gortyn about which he speaks, while Salditt-Trappmann's discussion of the site seems to be based not only on published details of the archaeology of the sites, but also upon first-hand investigation... However, it would appear that he does stray into the realm of 'their nature and meaning' in his theory that the crypts found in many Isea and Serapea were 'places in which [the Nile] flood symbolically but "really" recurred from time to time', which would then 'preserve this sacred water for the need of the cult.' We will have reason to return to Wild's theory later, but first, it seems important that we investigate the role that a baptismal ritual might have played for the individual initiate into the Isiac mysteries. Specifically, the connection between - or identification of - the myths of Isis and Osiris (now Sarapis) and the initiation process. To this question, two tentative answers may be offered. The first is that, as has been suggested in the past, the Isiac initiate, in baptism, identified with the god Osiris, whose death in the Nile was one of the central myths of the Isis cult...

For our purposes here, both of these elements separately and in combination suggest that the Isis initiate did indeed go through a process of identification with the god Osiris, and that this fact would have been the assumption behind the entire initiation process. In the first place, the ancient form of the Isis-Osiris mysteries clearly has the kings, and later normal people, identifying with the god Osiris in the hope of unification with him in the afterlife (and even, possibly, in his resurrection). This is indisputable. We have no reason to think that the worship of Isis and Osiris (Sarapis), as it spread throughout the Graeco-Roman world, changed its essential myth in any great way. The initiate of the first century would surely have partaken in mysteries akin to those practised throughout the history of the Isiac cult. This is where the identification of Osiris and Dionysus becomes most important.

At one point in his long discussion of Isis and Osiris, Plutarch suggests that the story of Osiris and his murder by Typhon is on a par with the stories of Dionysus, Demeter and others, 'which anyone may hear freely repeated in traditional story', but that, '[s]o, too, are all the things which are kept always away from the ears and eyes of the multitude by being concealed behind mystic rites and ceremonies' (360F, LCL). This would suggest that the myths that we know about Osiris and Isis were indeed aetiological myths for the Isis cult, just as the other myths Plutarch mentions were, even though they had a more popular form. The most striking texts are those which equate the central Orphic myth with the story of Osiris: Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 364E-365B, 'the tales concerning the Titans and the rites celebrated by night [i.e. the Orphic orgies] agree with the accounts of the dismemberment of Osiris and his revivification and regenesis' (LCL); and Diodorus Siculus 1.25.6-7: "[Isis] discovered the drug of immortality, by means of which she not only raised from the dead her son Horus, who had been the object of plots on the part of the Titans and had been found dead under the water, giving him his soul, but also made him to receive of immortality". The collocation of death, water and resurrection in this last passage makes an extremely strong case for the cultic connection of these elements, which may, in turn, help explain the various snippets of information we have from other sources, as discussed above.

It is at this juncture that a return to Wild's theory concerning the role of the Isiac crypts may be potentially fruitful. Despite the fact that Burkert cites Wild's theory as though it alone will refute the silly notion that baptism took place in the Isis cult (while completely ignoring Salditt-Trapmann's contrary notions), what we know of the role of aetiological myths in Graeco-Roman mystery religions would suggest the opposite interpretation. Given the specific nature of the myth that undergirded the Isiac religion, it would seem more reasonable to suggest that this identification of the crypts as re-enactments of the Nile itself would even more strongly lend credence to the idea that such constructs had a role to play in the initiatory process itself, even one in which the initiate descends into the underworld through a re-enactment of the death of Osiris. Rather than give difficulty to the idea of initiatory baptism in the Isis/Sarapis cult, Wild's theory with regard to the crypts, when taken in conjunction with many of the other elements presented in this paper, offers some of its strongest support.
So these crypts that contain water basins were likely where the initiation rituals were performed. These basins sound a lot like the basins that were used in the Egyptian mortuary ritual where the corpse was cleansed. Remember Assmann said that the initiate goes through a ritual death and resurrection/rebirth like the sun god. It seems very likely to me that the initiate into the Isis mysteries was reenacting the deaths and resurrections/rebirths of BOTH the sun god and Osiris. Both deities were closely related to each other for obvious reasons. Both deities are also associated with the waters of rebirth. The sun god enters the primordial waters every night and is reborn/resurrected. Osiris was thrown into the Nile after being murdered. The Nile waters were said to be the same as the primordial waters. There was a belief in ancient Egypt that anyone who drowned in the Nile became divinized like Osiris since he drowned in the Nile. It seems very possible that these basins that contained the waters of the Nile were used for ritual drowning in emulation of Osiris.

Water in the Cultic Worship of Isis and Sarapis (Brill, 1981), Robert A. Wild:
Did this life-giving power of the Nile extend to the gift of eternal life? For dynastic Egypt the answer must be yes. ... A second set of data requiring attention in this connection are those texts which speak of “apotheosis by drowning in the Nile.” According to a variety of Pharonic and even late Egyptian sources, anyone who drowned in the Nile was divinized in a very special way. Such a person became a “Blessed Drowned Osiris.”
“Egypt under Roman rule: the legacy of Ancient Egypt,” by Robert K. Ritner in The Cambridge History of Egypt: Volume One, ed. C.F. Petry (Cambridge University Press, 1998-2008):
The most significant testament to the journey was the founding of the Greek city of Antinoopolis, memorializing the drowning of Hadrian’s youthful lover, Antinous. According to Egyptian theology, such a death entailed a special identification with the drowned Osiris, god of the underworld. Under Augustus, “deification by drowning” had provided the rationale for the native hero cults at the remote temple of Dendur, but Hadrian’s Egyptianizing cult of Antinous was extended throughout the empire.
Death and the Afterlife in Ancient Egypt (British Museum Press, 2001), John H. Taylor:
The first stage was the purification of the corpse by washing... Cleansing of the corpse before mummification was doubtless a practical necessity, but the ritual aspects of the washing were perhaps of greater significance. According to Egyptian belief, water held important purifying and life giving qualities. Each dawn was a repetition of the original birth of the sun god from the watery chaos of Nun... Hence lustration came to be closely associated with rebirth...A ritual purification was necessary before the dead king could ascend to heaven in the manner of his divine model the sun god... In some of the Old Kingdom Pyramid Texts (5th to 6th Dynasties) the dead king is identified with Osiris, and thereby was believed to experience rebirth just as the murdered god had done. In the First Intermediate Period, this path to new life became available to all Egyptians, each of whom could be identified with Osiris... Since gods such as Ra [= sun god] and Osiris were immortal and were repeatedly rejuvenated, the deceased, through a close identification with them, could hope to retake of endless rebirths as well... In the ritualised process of mummification the deceased was identified with Osiris...

The state of existence which the deceased aimed to reach in the beyond was called akh... In this context it can be translated as 'transfigured being'... Those who had lived wicked lives were denied the blessed state, and were condemned to a second death, total extinction, after suffering horrible punishments.
Mummies & Magic: The Funerary Arts of Ancient Egypt (Dallas Museum of Art, 1993), Sue D'Auria, Peter Lacovara, Catharine H. Roehrig:
The Egyptians believed that, although life is transitory, it could be preserved through renewal. In ritual this mythical truth was reversed, and life renewed by preservation. Death might be viewed as an enemy or as a friend, but it was inevitable. The underlying idea was that life can only exist, be renewed, and be regained through death. Not only human beings, but also such gods as Re and Osiris were mortal: They had life in the sense that they had died and arisen from the dead. The renewal, that mysterious process that Kristensen called life from death, came about outside the created world in the unfathomable depth and darkness of the primeval waters (Nun) that surround this world. It is in that mysterious space that the deceased could live again. One sun-hymn reads: "How beautiful is thy shining forth in the horizon. We are in renewal of life. We have entered into Nun. He has renovated (us) to one who is young for the first time. The (one) has been stripped off, the other put on." The last sentence has been interpreted to mean, “The old man is cast off and the new man is put on." It may also call to mind the mummy-bandages that are thrown off in the decisive moment of resurrection and the white garments that the glorified dead wear in depictions of the Underworld...

The corporeal resurrection of the deceased comes about when the ba visits the tomb and unites itself with the mummy. The ba united with the mummy is an akh. Akh is usually translated as “spirit” but its corporeal aspect should not be neglected. A bodily spirit or spiritual body may seem a contradiction in terms, but it is not unknown in religious, or at least Christian, terminology: If there is a physical body, there is also a spiritual body. The inevitable process of aging — the decay of sight, hearing, speech and mobility —that culminates in the complete bodily impotence that we call death seems to be thought reversible. Life arises from death: “You come to a life a second time.”... Already resurrected, the deceased was ushered into the Hall of Judgment, usually by Anubis, who had presided over his mummification and had protected him so far. He greeted the lords of the judgment, who could be Re and his nine gods or Osiris and his forty-two messengers.
The Mortuary Papyrus of Padikakem Walters Art Museum 551 (ISD LLC, Dec 31, 2011), Yekaterina Barbash:
Both compositions of papyrus W551 are mortuary in character and address Osiris or the deceased associated with him... In the s3hw as well as in other mortuary texts such as the BR, the transformation into an akh occurs by means of association of the deceased with the god Osiris and his incorporation into the sphere of the divine... Although "s3hw" primarily associate the deceased with Osiris, the latter's nightly union with Re results in a solid connection of the deceased with the sun god. The transformation of the deceased into the new state of existence as an akh can be equated with the cyclical process of the sun, as it is newly born and rises each morning... Cruz-Uribe points out that all the rooms in Theban mortuary temples containing mortuary spells also involve themes of the rebirth of the sun god, Re-Horakhty. The gods Re and Osiris unite into a giant, omnipresent deity who spans the sky and the netherworld...
A Journey Through the Beyond: The Development of the Concept of Duat and Related Cosmological Notions in Egyptian Funerary Literature (ISD LLC, 2022), Silvia Zago:
It is only with the appearance of the Pyramid Texts, where this god [Osiris] is associated with the deceased king and treated as an important model for his afterlife aspirations (along with the sun god), that the Osirian doctrine assumes a major role in Egyptian religious beliefs. Texts stemming from nonroyal ritual and funerary contexts, on the other hand, suggest that the Osirian element was more explicit and likely deep-rooted from early-on. The belief that the deceased entered the realm of Osiris became more widespread from the reign of Djedkare Izezi, from whose pyramid temple comes the first representation of the god. By this time, the figure of the god Osiris had received some degree of canonization (as the Pyramid Texts exemplify) and had become a paradigm of kingship, intended to ensure both the claim to the earthly throne of the new Horus-king and a destiny of eternal life for the deceased Osiris-king... Osiris and Re together play a central role in this corpus, as far as the eschatological expectations of the pharaoh are concerned, granting the survival and successful rebirth of the later in any possible way and in any possible otherworldly scenario...

Moreover, at least some of these passages mentioning the lake(s) of the Duat associate these with the sun and the eastern horizon, near which such lakes may have been imagined to be located. In virtue of this connection, the Duat may be surmised to assume the connotation of a liminal, transitional place, where the sun and the king get cleansed before being ready to reappear on the horizon every morning and to rise in the sky. Ultimately, (ritual) purity was a necessary condition for being reborn, and for this reason it is often connected with the notion of the (initiatory) journey of the deceased through the Duat. The association between Osiris and water in a context of purification, renewal, and rebirth also had a long tradition in ancient Egyptian (funerary) literature... In particular, many spells of the Book of the Dead are texts of initiation of the deceased into the mysteries of the beyond, and it has been suggested that their prototype was modeled on texts used in the initiation of priests into temple rituals and cultic service...

This spell represents one of the most explicit instances in which Osiris is identified with Orion in the Pyramid Texts. In it, the Duat plays an active role, since it is said to give birth to the king together with Orion, after both have previously been conceived by the sky. Thus, the king's eternal life in the sky is described in terms of a second birth through the Duat, a process during which he is equaled to a star among other celestial bodies.
The Egyptian Book of the Dead: The Book of Going Forth by Day edited by Eva Von Dassow:
Every evening the aged sun entered the underworld and travelled through it, immersed in Nun, only to emerge at dawn as Khepri, the newborn sun. Thus, the waters of Nun had a rejuvenating, baptismal quality essential to rebirth.
The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife (Cornell University Press, 1999), Erik Hornung:
Most of the books and collections of spells treated here were still in use in the Late Period. At that time, whole libraries of ancient writings were collected on tomb walls and sarcophagi for use in the afterlife though there was a preference for liturgical texts handed down in the cult. All the conditions were thus at hand for an influence that continued beyond the pharaonic period and into the new spiritual currents of Hellenism and early Christianity. In the Books of the Netherworld, as in classical esoterica, the "sun at midnight" stood at the center of the experience of the afterlife, and along with the myth of Osiris the course of the sun played an important role in the Hellenistic Isis mysteries...

There was also a desire to enter into the cyclical course of the cosmos in order to overcome death, and the hope of accompanying the sun god in his barque is already found here (spell 407, § 711 and spell 469, § 906); in spell 267, the deceased king goes so far as to displace the sun god from his seat in the barque, "so that this Wenis might sit in your place and row across the sky, O Re." But the identification of the king with Osiris—their identity is especially stressed in spell 219—and the many allusions to the myth of Osiris take on even greater weight, and we have here the earliest texts in which Osiris appears as ruler of the netherworld. Practically all the important motifs of the Osiris myth are found. Along with his sisters Isis and Nephthys, his son Horus also participates in the search for the murdered god (he finds him and revives him by embracing him and lifting him up [spell 364, § 612 and spell 371, § 648]), though the posthumous engendering of this son and heir is presumed in spell 366, § 632 and spell 593, §§ 1635-1636. Osiris drifts in the water, but the motif of his dismemberment by Seth is not yet attested...

The nightly journey of the sun is the focus of all the Books of the Netherworld, and consistent with this, it also furnishes the ordering and creative principle for the spaces in the hereafter. This nocturnal regeneration of the sun demonstrates, by way of example, what powers of renewal are at work on the far side of death... The nocturnal journey leads through an inner region of the cosmos (what the German poet Rainer Maria Rilke has referred to as Weltinnenraum) that was regarded not only as the netherworld and the depths of the earth, but also as water (the primeval water, called Nun), as darkness, and as the interior of the sky... Behind him, four baboons announce the sun god in the eastern horizon, their hands in a gesture of jubilation. The lower register is concerned with crowns as symbols of power that are to be worn while leaving the netherworld... Isis and Nephthys guard the final gate of the netherworld, through which the sun god will make his entrance onto the horizon.
The Complete Gods and Goddesses of Ancient Egypt (Thames & Hudson, 2003), Richard H. Wilkinson:
The great sun god Re was thought to grow old each day and to 'die' each night... and then to be born or resurrected each day at dawn.
Osiris: Death and Afterlife of a God (Wiley, 2005), Bojana Mojsov:
As Egyptian history unfolded, the cult of Osiris grew in popularity. In the Middle Kingdom (2055–1650 bc) he assumed the role of the Great Judge of souls in the netherworld who dispensed bread and beer to the justified souls... In the New Kingdom (1550–1069 bc), after the rise of the sun cult and the monotheistic religion introduced by King Akhenaton, the cult of Osiris clasped hands with the cult of Ra and Osiris became an enlightened savior-god, shepherd to immortality for ordinary people. By the Late Period (1069– 332 bc), his cult had spread around the Mediterranean... The giving of the bread and beer that issue from Osiris was not unlike the Christian bread and wine offered at the mass of the Eucharist. Osiris, the Good Being, gave sustenance to the righteous and pointed the way to immortality with the shepherd's crook.
The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, Raymond O. Faulkner, Spell 269:
BECOMING BARLEY OF LOWER EGYPT. N is this bush of life which went forth from Osiris, to grow on the ribs of Osiris and to nourish the plebs, which makes the gods divine and spiritualizes the spirits, which provisions the owners of doubles and the owners of property, which makes cakes for the spirits, which causes the living to grow, and which makes firm the bodies of the living. N lives on smoked grain, N is the smoked grain of the living... N lives as Osiris.
In the above passage the resurrected deceased (referred to as "N") is identified with the "bush of life which went forth from Osiris" and "which makes the gods divine and spiritualizes the spirits". This "bush of life" are the grains that grow out of the body of Osiris and signify resurrection. Compare to Jesus referring to himself as the "bread of Life" in gJohn.

Death and Burial in Ancient Egypt (Longman, 2003), Salima Ikram:
Two curious genres of objects found in tombs that have a purely symbolic/religious function are Osiris Beds and Corn Mummies. The former consist of a shallow wooden outline figure of Osiris crowned with the atef crown, clasping the crook and the flail in his hands, and facing right. The figure is filled with earth and planted with grain that had just started to germinate before being put into the tomb. These cereal beds, symbolizing growth, fertility and rebirth, are known from the New Kingdom, although earlier examples in the shape of rectangles, rather than Osiris, are known from the Middle Kingdom. These Osirid cereal beds were possibly inspired by Coffin Text 269: Becoming Barley of Lower Egypt. In Chapter 269 the deceased is identified with this plant growing on the ribs of Osiris, who nourishes it and the deceased. These Osiris Beds were probably the precursors of the Corn Mummies...

Barley and emmer wheat were fundamental to the Egyptian diet, providing the basis for bread and beer. Thus, these cereal mummies represent not only Osiris and the possibilities of rebirth, regeneration, and resurrection that he represented but the actual grains and green shoots that were manifestations of that rebirth, and the source of the food that sustained life.
The Ancient Egyptian Pyramid Texts (SBL Press; Second edition, 2015), James P. Allen:
204 RECITATION: Aha, aha! Raise yourself, Teti, for you have received your head, your bones have been assembled for you, your limbs collected for you, the earth on your flesh cleared away for you. and you have received your unmouldering bread and unrotting beer... Raise yourself, Teti! You shall not die...
The Egyptian Book of the Dead The Book of Going Forth by Day - The Complete Papyrus of Ani (Chronicle Books, 2008), Eva Von Dassow:
Chapter 1... O you who gave bread and beer to the perfected souls of the House of Osiris, may you give bread and beer of all seasons to the soul of Ani, who is vindicated with all the gods of the Thinite nome and who is vindicated with you. O you who open a path and open up roads for the perfected souls in the house of Osiris, open a path for him, open up roads for the soul of Ani in company with you. May he come in freely, may he go out in peace from the House of Osiris, without being repelled or turned back. May he go in favored, may he come out loved, may he be vindicated... may no fault be found in him.
Last edited by nightshadetwine on Sun Oct 01, 2023 1:31 pm, edited 2 times in total.
nightshadetwine
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

Post by nightshadetwine »

The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI) (Brill, 1975), J. Gwyn Griffiths:
While the palm crown is here solar in form, it probably derives from the Osirian ‘crown of justification or victory'... Drexler, (‘Isis’, 464), cites gems on which the Osiris mummy bears a radiate crown... There are clearly signs that in the Graeco-Roman era solar symbolism became popular in Osirian contexts... In this cult [the Isis mysteries] the initiate can be identified with none other than Osiris, but here, after a ceremony which depicts the visit of the sun-god to the Osirian realm of the dead, the triumph over death is fittingly symbolized by an Osiris-figure with solar attributes. An identification with the god is therefore present... The identity of the mystes and his god could not be more clearly expressed. In Egyptian funerary texts the identity is proclaimed simply by prefixing Osiris to the name of the deceased. As we have seen above, the concept was pushed further in Graeco-Roman times.
The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Earth (Lockwood Press, 2012), Joshua Aaron Roberson:
The arms are identified in the version of Ramesses VI as the “arms of Nun”, suggesting that Aker’s body serves as a portal to the primal waters, into which the sun god must plunge, in order that he might emerge rejuvenated... The sun god then leaves the ordered cosmos for a brief sojourn in the unknowable, watery expanse of Nun. The papyrus of Djedkhonsuiusankh identifies the solar deity (equated with the deceased) at this critical juncture as a “possessor of mystery.”... The infinite and undifferentiated character of the primordial ocean that receives the sun god is not often depicted explicitly in two-dimensional art. As a result, the solar barque passes temporarily from view at the center of the tableau. After an undisclosed period of time, the day barque then erupts forth from the primal ocean, propelled by the very water itself, as personified by Nun in anthropomorphic form. It seems likely that the night barque must physically transform into the day barque while inside of Nun, just as the elderly sun god transforms into his own, rejuvenated form. Djedkhonsuiusankh, the Great God, formerly a “possessor of mystery,” now acquires the epithet, “possessor of life.”... This same region is associated also with the primal waters of Nun, which the sun god must enter in order to be reborn... These three episodes, in turn, correspond to Aker’s role as the personification of the liminal points of transition during the nocturnal solar journey: the western horizon into which Re sinks each evening, the gateway to the waters of Nun, through which he must pass in the middle of the night, and the eastern horizon from which he emerges each morning.
Nile Into Tiber: Egypt in the Roman World (Brill, 2005), Laurent Bricault, Miguel John Versluys, and Paul G.P. Meyboom :
Plutarch indeed specifies that water is venerated by virtue of its assimilation with the god Osiris: it is an “emanation of Osiris”. This “theological justification” of the cult of water does not take form of a constructed exposition only in this treatise, but it finds its origin in the Egyptian myth of Osiris: the god had returned to life thanks to his immersion in the river; it was regenerated by the waters of the Nile. Even more, the water of the Nile—especially that of the flood—is truly consubstantial with the humors that flow from the decomposing divine body and, therefore, from the god himself.
The Late Egyptian Underworld (Wiesbaden, Harrassowitz Verlag, 2007), Colleen Manassa:
The rotting corpse of Osiris is often said to have beneficial results—the fluids are even the source of the life-giving inundation waters. … These floodwaters are not only the place in which the sun is born each day, but may also be an allusion to the putrefaction of Osiris as the source of the inundation. The mummy not only creates the space for the floodwaters, but also could be the source of the precious liquid.
Death and Burial in Ancient Egypt (American University in Cairo Press, 2015) Salima lkram:
The sun was a symbol of rebirth and resurrection as it rose in the east, traversed the sky and set in the west, repeating this cycle daily. To the Egyptians, the rising of the sun was its birth, its setting death, and its rising the following day rebirth. Thus, the sun was one of the most significant symbols of resurrection in ancient Egypt. The deceased king would become one with the sun god and traverse the skies in his barque. From the Middle Kingdom on, any deceased person was identified with the sun god and followed the same trajectory...
"The Social and Ritual Context of a Mortuary Liturgy of the Middle Kingdom (CT Spells 30-41)", in: H. Willems (ed.), Social Aspects of Funerary Culture in the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms. Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden University, June, 1996, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 103 (Leuven, 2001):
Osiris is said to give orders to let the deceased enter his shrine... Prior to this, the deceased is said to be purified in the Jackal-lake and in the Lakes of the Dwellers in the Netherworld... The "Lake(s) of the Jackal(s)" and the "Lake(s) of the Dwellers of the Netherworld" occur frequently in the funerary literature, and they were clearly thought to be located near the Eastern horizon. In PT 372b the deceased is said to be washed there in a context also referring to the appearance of Re. It is likely that the lakes are here associated with the netherworldy pools where the sun god bathes prior to sunrise. Funerary texts often link this idea with navigations through the netherworld. Such navigations are frequently the topic of texts which also refer to purification in the two lakes under discussion... Immediately before, the same text points out that the deceased has been purified in the same lake as Osiris...The implication of this hypothesis is that the journey of the deceased through the netherworld according to spell 36 is a netherwordly reflection of the Osiris mysteries performed on earth... The deceased will receive divine status...
The Ancient Egyptian Coffin Texts, R. O. Faulkner:
Spell 362: HAVING POWER OVER WATER, BATHING IN THE FLOOD, BEING INTERRED IN ON: "... I will not be thirsty, my lips will not be dry, I have quenched my thirst with that great efflux of my father Osiris... I am that oar of Re with which he rows those old ones who belong to Re, who are in the horizon, who live on water, who have power over the starry sky, and who quench their thirst with the great efflux of my father Osiris... I will not be thirsty, my lips will not be dry. I have quenched my thirst with the efflux of my father Osiris. O Isis, I have quenched my thirst with the high Nile, with the flood of Osiris.
Compare the above quote to gJohn where Jesus is the water of life and water flows from a wound on his body. John 4:13-14:
Jesus said to her, “Everyone who drinks of this water will be thirsty again, but those who drink of the water that I will give them will never be thirsty. The water that I will give will become in them a spring of water gushing up to eternal life.”
So now we have both Osiris and Jesus being associated with the "bread (grains) of life" and the "waters of life".

"Conceptions of Purity in Egyptian Religion" by Joachim Friedrich Quack in Purity and the Forming of Religious Traditions in the Ancient Mediterranean World and Ancient Judaism (Brill, 2013):
The person of the king was strongly connected to purity concerns in Egypt. Indeed, there exists a detailed royal ritual focused on purification rites...

"Spell for the water: O Water, may you abolish all bad defilement of the pharaoh, O inundation, may you wash off his errant demons... Spell for water, speaking words [by...]: [O you Gods..., Come] that you [erase] all evil in him. Any taboo he did, [...] at the lake!... Another spell for purification, speaking words: Pharaoh has [purified himself] with the great waters Which come forth from Elephantine, which originate from the [primeval ocean]... Pharaoh is purified with this water which came out from Osiris... Another spell for purification, words to be spoken. Pharaoh is Re, arising in the primeval ocean, [His] purity is [the purity of... in the] water, With big flame... Great illuminator when he shows himself in the flood in the morning, Who abolishes all evil, as he arises in his purity from the flood. May pharaoh arise in the flood(?)—...shine... pharaoh... May he be divine in the earth!..."

The royal ritual has links to the ideal of the sun god, in which, according to the Egyptian conception, the morning purification precedes the sunrise.
Notice how you constantly find identification with a deity and reenactment of its experiences all throughout these quotes on mystery cult and Egyptian initiation rituals. Just as Christians identify with and reenact Jesus's death and resurrection in baptism and reenact Jesus's last meal. The actions of all these deities become models for their followers in ritual.

Cosmology and Fate in Gnosticism and Graeco-Roman Antiquity. Under Pitiless Skies (Brill 2013), Nicola Denzey Lewis:
The theme of the ‘setting right’ of the cosmos through the power of a celestial Redeemer has parallels in other religious movements of the second century ce, and thus appears to have been a more-or-less standard way of conceptualizing divine power in the high Roman Empire. In the last century, scholars devoted a great deal of attention to the popularity in the first and second centuries of cults dedicated to ‘Savior gods’ or kosmokratores, literally ‘rulers of the cosmos.’ A specific component of the kosmokrator’s power could be the ability to abrogate the power of heimarmene. In fact, the popularity of the ‘Savior god’ in the Empire and the power of this god to dominate, bend, or annul fate scholars widely perceived as ‘proof’ that the weight of heimarmene lay heavy on the hearts of all Romans: “there was widespread longing in the Graeco-Roman world for a connection to a power capable of overcoming the forces of the cosmos which, according to astrological doctrine, were in control of human destiny,” writes David Ulansey in his recent book, The Origins of the Mithraic Mysteries. Festugière had much earlier expressed a similar perspective.

Isis remains the mostly widely employed example of a savior god who could free her supplicants from fate. Inscriptions from the Hellenistic period record pious initiates’ supplications and gratitude to a goddess who is “Mistress of fate, who creates destiny,” or “Mistress of life, ruler of fate and destiny.” We find the idea that Isis transcended and controlled fate as early as the Hellenistic era... A later Isis hymn from Cyrene confirms the cosmic power of the goddess...

The convert to Isis’s cult received a new birth, free from an astrally ordained genesis. In Apuleius’s Golden Ass, Isis informs Lucius: scies ultra statuta fato tuo spatia vitam quoque tibi prorogare mihi tantum licere (“you shall know that I and I alone have the power to prolong your life beyond the bounds appointed as your fate”) (Metam. 11. 15). Isis releases Lucius through the power of her providence; she announces: iam tibi providentia mea inlucescit dies salutaris, (“the day of salvation already begins to dawn for you through my providence”) (Metam. 11. 5. 4). The theme of the ‘lord/mistress of fate’ may indeed be earlier than the Hellenistic period. Dieter Müller maintained that Isis’s role as a liberator from fate derived not from a Greek context, but from Egyptian religious conceptions. The gods Re, Amon, Ptah, Khnum, and Hathor were likewise designated, at one time or the other, ‘lords of fate.’ There are certainly strong examples of the savior god liberating his followers from fate in other Graeco-Egyptian or Roman Egyptian religions... Another aretalogy proclaims the Graeco-Egyptian god Serapis as a savior from the Moirai. One ‘spell’ in the PGM adjures Serapis to “preserve me from the might of the stars, hold me back from the cruel compulsion of fate, allot me a happy destiny, bless my life, O Lord, with all goodness; for I am thy slave and protégé.” Another reads: "Protect me from all my own astrological destiny, destroy my foul fate; apportion good things for me in my horoscope, increase my life even in the midst of many goods, for I am your slave and petitioner and have hymned your valid and holy name, lord, glorious one, ruler of the cosmos, of ten thousand names … [Serapis]." (PGM 13. 632–640; Betz [1992], 187–188)...

Recently, Mithraic scholar David Ulansey has argued that the complex cosmological symbolism of Mithraic iconography represents a code which, when properly understood, revealed the central ‘mystery’ of Mithraism: Mithras alone possessed the power to rotate the cosmic axis. This esoteric knowledge carried profound implications for the Mithraic initiate; he acknowledged that, in Ulansey’s words, “the entire cosmos was completely under [Mithras’s] control.” Initiation into the Mithraic mysteries implied a type of ‘cognitive salvation,’ in which the initiate’s perception of cosmology became radically re-ordered and re-oriented following the revelation of a new, transcendent celestial order. Mithras, through his power to alter the cosmic fabric, could deliver his protégés from “the forces of fate residing in the stars.” Certainly Mithraic iconography bolsters this theory, featuring as it does stone reliefs of Mithras turning the zodiacal wheel or holding the planetary spheres...

In summary, the language and iconography of salvation in the cults of Mithras, Isis, and Serapis suggest that the power of the god to abrogate the powers of fate remained central to the theology of a number of religious movements in the first few centuries of the Common Era. The same language also figures in the magical papyri, indicating that the motif of the ‘pole god’ or cosmic ‘savior god’ found widespread diffusion in the Roman Empire.

Certain Christians appear to have borrowed this idea of a figure powerful enough to overcome celestial malevolence; they envisioned Jesus himself as a god capable of triumphing over the celestial orders. Festugière recognized this long ago: “Et le Seigneur lui-même,” he observed, “sur plus d’un coeur chrétien, rayonnera comme un dieu de victoire qui a triomphé des astres.” We find a similar perspective expressed by Paul...

Numerous scholars have observed that certain early Christians envisioned Jesus as a kosmokrator capable of devastating the most intractable cosmic order. Members of the religionsgeschichtliche Schule were quick to point out that Jesus as ‘savior god’ made sense within a Roman context; indeed, it was expected of the gods that they had the power to free the pious initiate from fetters of heimarmene.

As we have seen from the case of the Pistis Sophia (where the theme finds its most developed form) a variety of Christian sources preserve the idea that Jesus came to vanquish celestial powers by radically re-orienting the cosmos. The idea is there, if only incipiently, in key Pauline passages, including 1 Cor 2:6–8, Ephesians 6:12, and Colossians 2:14–15...

In the passage we have already cited from Romans 8:38–39, Paul refers to a number of celestial entities which negatively influence human activity, inasmuch as they potentially inhibit human freedom. The Christ-follower, however, is not subject to their influence: "For I am persuaded that neither death nor life, nor angels nor archons nor powers … nor height nor depth, nor any other created thing, shall be able to separate us from the love of God which is in Christ Jesus our Lord."

We encounter references to angels, archons and powers in Jewish apocalyptic writings. Paul appears to draw the terms ὕψωμα and βάθος, not directly from Jewish sources, but from technical astronomical vocabulary of the first century ce. These terms refer specifically to the range of influence of the stars...

Both Galatians or Colossians present a picture of a cosmos dominated by cosmic beings. Both authors implicitly agreed with their opponents that such beings do in fact exist, and that they did control human existence through imposition of particular commandments and laws. The difference lies not so much in the imaginative framework by which Paul and the deutero-Pauline authors interpreted the human condition, but in the choice of whom to propitiate to escape from spiritual oblivion...

Many modern scholars remain too tempted to play off Pauline Christianity against what they perceive as the wildly speculative cosmology and angelology of Paul’s opponents... Despite their authors’ best intentions, these passages only serve to underscore the fact that both Pauline Christianity and its opponents offered their adherents the same thing: freedom from astral fatalism. Paul’s opponents chose as their path certain ascetic practices (hardly foreign to Pauline Christianity) and propitiation of angelic beings in order not to remain, to borrow Beare’s words, “puppets of necessity.” Pauline Christianity, on the other hand, presented Christ as the only true savior from a life of spiritual bondage, and baptism as the only true medium of salvation.

Ultimately, Paul and his continuators shared with their various communities—even with their opponents—various versions of an unspoken but mutually understood cosmological ‘myth.’ We are not left with enough pieces of this puzzle to discern the precise nature of this myth, yet we can reconstruct its shape. Celestial beings populate the cosmos. These beings appear to exert some form of contingent control over a significant portion of the human race through three specific means. They control vice, they control human behavior, and finally, they control law. In the Pauline worldview, these beings act in direct opposition to Christ, whom they had crucified in their ignorance. Christ, however, emerged victorious from his confrontation with the powers. Paul transformed the shame of Jesus’s crucifixion as a despised criminal into an act which subverted the cosmic order. This “Christevent,” in Paul’s understanding, initiated no less than the “reconciliation (καταλάγη) of the cosmos” (Rom 11:15; 2 Cor 5:19)...

The triumph of the Christian at baptism over vice became the proof that the power of the planets had indeed been vanquished. When Paul contrasts the νήπιοι and δοῦλοι enslaved by the στοιχεῖα and κόσμος with those elevated by baptism to the status of υἱοί and κληρονόμοι, we have what may be the earliest Christian rhetoric of escape from fate. When the Christian receives a new ‘birth,’ literally a new genesis, at baptism, the ‘written code’ has been annulled—the slate had been wiped clean from the enslavement of astral destiny. Christ had wrested the individual from the ‘body of death.’
I also recommend this blog-post for more on this particular subject: The Structure of Heaven and Earth: How Ancient Cosmology Shaped Everyone’s Theology https://isthatinthebible.wordpress.com/ ... -theology/

Christ’s Enthronement at God’s Right Hand and Its Greco-Roman Cultural Context (Walter de Gruyter, 2021), D. Clint Burnett:
Therefore, the apostle dictated a letter to encourage and exhort his converts, which the newly recovered Epaphroditus carried.³ In this missive, Paul instructed them to welcome Epaphroditus, he tried to console the suffering members of the congregation, and he attempted to settle the quarrel between Euodia and Syntyche.⁴ One of the deft ways that the apostle tried to achieve this latter end was to use Jesus the Messiah as a paragon of selflessness. In the process, he quotes early Christian confessional material, the first part of which describes Jesus humbly laying down his heavenly glory, taking on human form, and dying (which Paul probably adds was death on a cross). Paul continues his quotation of this confessional material to its second part, God’s rewarding of Jesus for his self-sacrificing beneficence by exalting him to his heavenly temple and throne and granting him the kyrios title with its accompanying rule of the entire cosmos.

In this chapter, I focus on the second part of Paul’s quotation of the above early Christian confessional material, Phil 2:9–11, Jesus’s heavenly session in God’s temple and on his throne. I argue that this passage is based off of early Christian interpretation of Ps 110:1, that its portrait of Jesus’s exaltation resembles both royal and imperial temple and throne sharing, and that these similarities contributed to widespread use of Ps 110:1 in the early Christian movement. Like Greco-Roman rulers who shared temples and thrones, Jesus shares God’s temple and throne, albeit in heaven and not on earth, because God approves of him. His celestial co-enthronement is the reward for his euergetism and piety and Jesus’s exaltation to God’s temple and throne includes the acclaimation of him as kyrios. In short, I propose that the sharing of a god’s temple and throne, which were cross-cultural rewards for exceptional rulers, account for widespread Christian use of Ps 110:1. Therefore, with this use of Ps 110:1 and confessional material based on the text the earliest Christ-confessors were participating in a wider Greco-Roman political discourse and articulating their own belief about who and what deity held sway over the oikoumenē and the cosmos...

I now investigate my proposal that the sharing of a deity’s temple and throne, which were rewards that Greco-Roman communities bestowed on pious, beneficent, and divinely approved rulers, explicate the widespread use of Ps 110:1 and enthronement imagery in earliest Christianity. In the process, I demonstrate that the portrait of Jesus’s heavenly exaltation to God’s temple and throne, including the bestowal of the kyrios title on him, shares conceptual similarities with royal and imperial temple and throne sharing. In chapters 3 and 4, I showed that Greek cities in the eastern Roman Empire rewarded select sovereigns with temple and throne sharing, while the city of Rome bestowed postmortem temple sharing on divi. The locations to which these Greco-Roman communities exalted their rulers resemble the place to which God exalts Jesus in Phil 2:9–11. Despite the vast differences of scholarly opinion about issues related to Phil 2:6–11, most exegetes agree that Phil 2:9–11 refers to God’s exaltation of Jesus to his throne, presumably in the heavenly temple.¹⁰² Lohmeyer concludes that Phil 2:9–11 refers to Jesus’s heavenly sessio ad dextram and Ralph P. Martin says that this passage draws on the metaphor of “the vindicated King-Messiah of Psalm 110:1, who shares the divine throne.”¹⁰³ Given Second Temple Jewish cosmology, this scholarly presumption is correct. The biblical portrayals of Yahweh as an enthroned monarch and head of the divine council influenced Jewish Christ-confessors and those Gentiles who attended synagogue services such as Lydia and her household.¹⁰⁴ Christ-confessors from a pagan Greek, Roman, and Thracian background knew of the enthronement of the gods and their divine councils. From Homeric literature onwards, the gods appear on thrones, especially Zeus, and Zeus’s/Jupiter’s heavenly enthronement was a staple of Greek and Roman religion. Thus, regardless of their ethnic and religious backgrounds, inhabitants of the Greek East and of Philippi would have appreciated the significance of Jesus’s enthronement to God’s celestial temple and throne.

Given the way that God exalted Jesus, the latter’s share in God’s throne and temple may have had special significance for the Philippian Christ-confessors.¹⁰⁶ It is generally recognized that Phil 2:6–11 omits any mentioning of Jesus’s resurrection.¹⁰⁷ Some Philippian Christ-confessors may have interpreted Jesus’s exaltation in light of Roman practices, especially due to the colony’s focus on divi in its imperial divine honors. One factor of the Roman deification process was witnessing the deceased member of the imperial family’s soul ascending to heaven from the funeral pyre.¹⁰⁸ Consequently, the title divus presupposes heavenly exaltation. This celestial journey was commemorated in Roman art... Therefore, the Philippian Christ-confessors understood and expected postmortem heavenly exaltation for a “good” deceased ruler. However, Jesus’s share in God’s temple and throne differs from that of divi in a major way: it occurs after Jesus’s resurrection from the dead.¹¹¹ Divi, however, were exalted to heaven after their deaths.

In chapters 3 and 4, I demonstrated that Greco-Roman cities granted temple and throne sharing as rewards to pious and beneficent rulers... Cassius Dio says that Rome gave state sponsored “godlike honors” (ἰσόθεοι τιμαὶ) to deceased principes only if they ruled “rightly” (ὀρθῶς).¹²² He does not define what “rightly” means, but a definition can be gleaned from the most venerated Julio-Claudian princeps, Augustus. According to the Res Gestae, Augustus was the pious beneficent ruler par excellence. He refused the dictatorship (5.1), subsidized grain doles from his personal funds (5.2; 17.1–2; 18), followed and revived ancestral customs (6.1; 8.5), handed out money to the plebs on several occasions (15.1–4), bailed out the treasury four times (17.1), patronized gladiatorial combats, games, and mock naval battles (22.1–3; 23), cleared the sea of pirates (25.1), and funded the construction of public works in Rome (19.1; 20.1–5).¹²³ Due to these last benefactions, Augustus boasted that he found Rome made of brick and left it made of marble.¹²⁴ The princeps made pietas/εὐσέβεια the focal point of cultural reform.¹²⁵ He built and renovated temples.¹²⁶ He became pontifex maximus in 12 BCE and thus intermediary between Rome and her gods.¹²⁷ The depiction of Augustus as pontifex maximus (capite velato) was one of his primary portrait types, attested in 170 replicas and variations from across the Roman Empire.¹²⁸ These images were set up in public places in Rome and its colonies like the Julian Basilica of Corinth...

Through Jesus’s piety and death, God conquered the cosmic forces, including death, after which he exalted Jesus to his heavenly temple and throne. While this portrait of Jesus shares similarities with royal and imperial temple and throne sharing, there are three differences. First, no royal or imperial temple or throne sharer is honored for the benefaction of death. Second, nor are any royal or imperial temple or throne sharers exalted over the cosmic forces, including death. And, third, Jesus’s share in God’s temple and throne is more pronounced than in those cases of royal and imperial temple and throne sharing because it is God who exalts Jesus, not a local council, citizen–body, or senate interpreting the will of the city’s gods.
A Journey Through the Beyond The Development of the Concept of Duat and Related Cosmological Notions in Egyptian Funerary Literature (Lockwood Press, 2022), Silvia Zago:
Nonetheless, the fact remains that the spells of the Pyramid Texts attempted not only to articulate (and facilitate) the royal rebirth, but also to ensure the legitimacy of the succession, by means of which the heir to the throne became the embodiment of Horus on earth, while his dead father passed into the afterlife to live on in his new identity of Osiris. The roles of these two deities are very often blended in the funerary literature. In PT 677, for instance, the deceased, perhaps identified as the Morning Star, associates himself first with Osiris as ruler of the night, who acts through his deputy, the moon, and through the constellation Orion, which was identified with the god already as early as the Pyramid Texts. Subsequently, the king meets Re in the horizon at sunrise, meanwhile also receiving the wrrt-crown, the symbol par excellence of authority and legitimacy. This conception of a succession of gods, both in a temporal and in a political sense, is based on the fact that the solar deity was regarded as the king of the sky, and was thus assigned a royal role, which the king wished to parallel and take over. It is therefore reasonable to assume that conceptions and imagery of divinity applied to the deceased and divinized king were transferred to the terrestrial ruler. Possibly, this process was already under way in this period, when the status of the king was made more godlike for ideological reasons...
"Njswt nhh- Kingship, Cosmos, and Time", Katja Goebs, 2002, Z. Hawass, L. Pinch Brock (eds), Egyptology at the Dawn of the Twenty-first Century. Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Egyptologists Cairo, (2000, Cairo and New York: AUC Press):
A further conception of the afterlife, and so far the oldest one attested, is the (originally royal) deceased's ascent to the sky, in order to join the sun, moon and stars in their eternal journey across it... The deceased's ascent to the sky is achieved by various means, but predominantly by identifying him or her with the celestial gods in their rising from the horizon...

A group of texts dealing with the deceased's kingship in the sky, and demonstrating his aspiration to identify himself successively with the gods of the night and those of the day, is particularly revealing. This conception of a succession of gods--in the temporal and in the political sense-is based on the attribution of a royal role to the sun god, who is seen and worshipped as "king of the sky." During periods of solar invisibility, this role is taken over by "deputies," in particular the moon god-who may be in the "role" or "form" of the sun god, his b3, or "left eye" but also the constellation Orion. The latter may be identified with Osiris as early as the Pyramid Texts, who is the ruler of the d(w)3t or West in his most prominent role, and also as such complements the rule of the sun god. A further important solar deity is the morning star, which Krauss in his recent study has shown in many cases to be personified in Horus. In a cosmic sense, his "rule" of the sky immediately precedes that of the sun god, which commences at sunrise-the beginning of the Egyptian day...

The deceased begins his sequence of divine associations with Osiris, who is called the "eldest son of Geb"... For his ascent to the sky, however, he needs to be transformed into an akh-spirit... As Osiris, the deceased travels through the different parts of the sky... The deceased's identification with Osiris then blends seamlessly with his description as Horus; the actual moment of this transformation is not marked... The deceased ascends to, or as, Orion, and is transfigured into a star who crosses Nut, and whom Re summons as the "morning star". He assumes his throne like Re... In his final embodiment as morning star, the deceased has royal status... His status emanates from the sun god, who appears in two guises: as the evening sun Atum and Lord of the wrrt crown he is the original source of the White and Red Crowns... It is, however, ultimately the day-form Re, who summons the deceased to the sky.

In addition to a plain changing of divine manifestations, we thus observe a changeover of rule from evening/night- here represented by Osiris, who is transfigured like Thoth and Anubis- to Horus the morning star, with the insignia of rule deriving from the evening sun Atum, his predecessor, and his legitimacy from the day-sun Re, his temporal successor. Re-Atum is, of course, the king of the cosmos... Thus, the rule of Osiris and Horus equals that of Re...

While he concludes by affirming once more that he is Horus, in name and form he follows this with the statement that he is also Osiris... The deceased, who wishes to live eternally and thus through all these different phases, aims to identify himself with, and adopt the insignia of, one of these rulers in some spells, or with all of them in others...

If the equation of Horus with the morning star is accepted, the identification of the king with Horus, which is attested from the earliest royal monuments onwards, leaves us with a role for the king as "morning star" on earth, and thus as the functional equivalent of the deputy and precursor of the sun god in the sky, who may at the same time be understood as an "emanation" of the sun god. Moreover, as authors such as Gardiner, Leclant, and Assmann have noted, the texts and images that describe the royal accession (repeated during the Sed Festival) contain, besides the assumption of crowns, various other elements--such as purification, suckling, induction-of rituals that are commonly known as the Rites of Passage first discussed by Van Gennep, and whose structure was then applied to the rituals surrounding the accession of kings by Hocart. It is not surprising, therefore, to find them reappearing in funerary literature, which is concerned with the rites connected to the deceased's "passage" to the sky and his transfiguration. Indeed, already Hocart asserted of the ancient Egyptian rituals (pp. 83-4):

"The funerary rites which consecrated the dead as gods were identical with those which made (the king) a god during his lifetime. We may either say that when the living king is represented on monuments as being suckled by the wife of the principal god ... he is imitating the rebirth of the dead, or that when the dead are suckled by Isis they repeat the king's consecration. It is all one since death = birth = coronation...."
Iesus Deus: The Early Christian Depiction of Jesus as a Mediterranean God (Augsburg Fortress Publishers, 2014), M. David Litwa:
The present essay zeroes in on a single divine honor that Jesus receives in his ascent/exaltation: the reception of a divine name. We learn of Jesus’ reception of a divine name—what I will call “theonymy”—in one of the oldest texts of the New Testament, Philippians 2:6-11.1. Much ink has been spilled on the first half of this passage (vv. 6-8) among scholars studying the incarnation. In what follows, I will focus entirely on the latter half of the passage (vv. 9-11). Here the divine name bestowed upon Jesus is called “the name above every name”... By depicting the prostration of all creation to Jesus (v. 10), the author alludes to Isaiah 45:23 (LXX), where Yahweh proclaims, “To me every knee shall bow and every tongue confess.” Since every knee bows to Jesus (Phil. 2:10), the writer grants Jesus the cultic prerogatives specific to Yahweh...

Scholars who study theonymy in this passage are usually interested in the question of Christian monotheism—namely how Jesus is integrated into Yahweh’s divine identity. This issue is important, but it skips over the preliminary question of what in the ancient world it meant for a person to receive a divine name—and in particular, the proper name of a deity. I will argue in this chapter that the literary depiction of Jesus as receiving a proper divine name in Mediterranean culture exhibits his deification...

Even though Isaiah 45:23 clearly stands in the background of Phil. 2:9-11, early Jewish sources, I will argue, provide no analogous tradition of a human being receiving the name of Yahweh. Rather, the meaning of theonymy in Phil. 2:9-11 is informed chiefly by contemporary Roman imperial practice. As with so many imperial traditions, however, Roman emperors adapted theonymy from the royal customs of the eastern Mediterranean world. The first part of this chapter, then, also discusses traditions of royal theonymy in ancient Egypt and Greece.

From the beginning of the first dynasty, Egyptian Pharaohs assumed the names of their gods. In earliest times, pharaohs were invoked solely with the Horus name, a name “which designated the Pharaoh as the manifestation of the old sky god Horus.” By bearing this name, Pharaoh became “Horus in the palace,” or Horus present on earth.

Beginning with the fourth dynasty, however, pharaohs received a fivename royal titulary... A representative example of the fivefold titulary is that of Pharaoh Thutmoses III (1479–1425 bce), who recounts how he received his titles on the walls of the temple of Amon-Re (the Egyptian high God and Creator) at Karnak. Before the names are given, Thutmoses III describes his ascent to heaven (cf. Jesus’ exaltation in Phil 2:9): “He [Re] opened for me the portals of heaven; he spread open for me the portals of its horizon. I flew up to the sky as a divine falcon, that I might see his mysterious form which is in heaven.” In the celestial world, Thutmoses is endowed with the crowns of Re and outfitted with the ultimate symbol of power, the uraeus-serpent. He receives all of Re’s “states of glory,” along with the wisdom of the gods, and “the dignities of the God.” Finally Amon-Re draws up Thutmoses’s titulary. The names are apparently received in heaven and announced at his coronation. Thutmoses reports, ..."he made my kingship to endure like Re in heaven... he gave me his power and his strength... I am his son, who came forth out of him, perfect of birth"

Immediately after he lists his names, Thutmoses tells how Amon-Re made all peoples submit to his authority... Theonymy, as we see, leads to dominion and the prostration of enemies. Such a sequence recalls the events narrated in Phil. 2:9-11, where every knee bows to Christ the cosmocrator. Thutmoses inspires fear when he bears the names of his God(s); he has become Amon-Re’s vice-regent on earth, wielding the God’s power and authority. By bearing his divine names—the most primitive symbols of divine power—Thutmoses can boast that his Father, Amon-Re, “made me divine.” The reception of the five throne names in Egypt had not passed into oblivion by the Hellenistic and early Roman periods... Ptolemaic kings were deified while still alive. Their reception of the fivefold titulary was a way to depict their divine status. As later pharaohs of Egypt, Roman emperors continued to use the fivefold titulary, though in an abbreviated form...
The Traditional Egyptian Antecedents of Graeco-Roman Post-Mortem Ascent (October 2014, El Futuro del Pasado 5:191-224), Eliezer Gonzalez:
Despite the greater antiquity of Egyptian civilisation, when we refer to Egyptian and Graeco-Roman cultures, we are generally referring to cultures that were contiguous, and the profound impact that Egyptian ideas had upon the Graeco-Roman world cannot be denied. In key respects, Egyptian views of the afterlife foreshadowed Graeco-Roman, Jewish, and early Christian conceptions, particularly in terms of the motif of postmortem ascent. Although the channels of transmission have been lost in antiquity, the motif may still be sketched clearly enough in both cultures to suggest that Egypt was an important source for its expression. After some methodological considerations, this essay will trace the motif of ascent as it was manifested in Graeco-Roman culture, and then analyze the nature of the ancient Egyptian evidence in order to suggest the existence of key elements of this same motif from the earliest times in ancient Egypt...

The impact of traditional Egyptian religion and its views of the afterlife on the Graeco-Roman world is an enormous area of research which is still largely untapped and unresolved. Segal, for example, observes the profound impact that Egyptian ideas of immortality had upon Rome and notes that these "penetrated deep into Roman consciousness". Egyptian views of the afterlife foreshadowed Graeco-Roman, Jewish, and early Christian conceptions, particularly in terms of the motif of post-mortem ascent. he argument of this essay is that the key elements of the pervasive Graeco-Roman motif of ascent may be found in traditional Egyptian religion from the earliest times. Although the channels of transmission have been lost in antiquity, the motif may still be sketched clearly enough in both cultures to suggest that Egypt was an important source for its expression...

In the Hellenistic world, the notion of ascent appears to have been an extremely pervasive one, and was both inluenced and expressed by many cultures and traditions. Accordingly, the idea of ascent to the heavens was felt in almost every aspect of society. A prime example was the manner in which the Romans formulated the idea of the apotheosis of the emperor, which was a key plank of the emperor cult from the time of the early empire, and which we can hardly say was merely at the edges of Roman culture... In spite of the Homeric understanding of the afterlife being that the shades of the dead lead a quasi-existence in a murky underworld, notions that the souls of the dead ascend to the sky were also not uncommon in classical Greece; they are mentioned by Euripides and Aristophanes, in whose dramatic works immortality is achieved in heaven by becoming stars. Cumont identifies the first precisely dated reference to astral immortality to 421 BC, where Aristophanes greets the appearance of a new star as the recently-dead Pythagorean poet Ion of Chios... Eventually, "the idea of the soul going off to where the stars are, and in some way almost being identified with the stars, became widely popular across the Hellenistic world"...

Just how culturally central was the notion of ascent combined with astral apotheosis in the Roman tradition is evident when we consider that, at least by the early century BC, it had been woven by the poet Ennius into the story of Romulus, the founder of Rome. But perhaps, by the time of the early empire, the tradition associating ascent and apotheosis with the founding of Rome was even more strongly associated with Hercules36. Galinsky warns us that we should not see Hercules in Rome as merely a literary igure, but as a religious phenomenon. In Ovid’s Metamorphoses, the apotheosis of Hercules anticipates those of Romulus, Aeneas, and Julius Caesar...

Returning now to the cult of Hercules, although his cult was originally Greek and not Roman: however much the Homeric underworld of murky darkness may have persisted as the destination of the dead, the evidence from Attic vase-paintings is that the idea of Hercules’ ascent to heaven had already established itself by the beginning of the sixth century BC...

Even from the inception of the notion of imperial apotheosis, divinification was integrally associated with ascension; Suetonius writes that on the night before Caesar was murdered, he had a dream in which he ascended the heavens and was greeted by Jupiter51. Correspondingly, Kreitzer observes that "[t]he "ascension star"…becomes characteristic of numismatic depictions of the apotheosis of the emperor". It became largely standard protocol that, upon their deaths, the emperors received exaltation and apotheosis... Their elevation clearly demonstrates the close afinity between post-mortem ascent and divinification, which is also illustrated in the verse dedication of a temple in Italy to Gaisu and Lucius Caesar, Augustus’ heirs: "When time summons you, Caesar [Augustus], to be a god, and you return to your place in heaven from which you can rule the world, let these be the people who in your stead govern the earth and rule us, having their prayers to you heard". It is evident from this inscription that imperial apotheosis implied not only acceptance into the realm of the gods, but also at least some of the rights and privileges that this entailed, since they were considered to hear the prayers of those on earth. However difficult it might be to extrapolate from inscriptional evidence the actual beliefs of the people, at least this inscription testiies that deiied emperors were objects of prayer... Manfred Clauss has argued forcefully that the emperor was viewed as a god in a theological sense, and that emperor worship was primarily a religious, rather than merely a political phenomenon. He goes further, making a link between Roman imperial apotheosis and the development of the Christian concept of ascent to heaven.

In Plutarch’s On Isis and Osiris, the background in the Egyptian cults seems clearly evident. Brenk comments that in this text "Plutarch is faithful to the solar or stellar aspects of Osiris, Isis, and other Egyptian deities, without in these passages communicating the soteriological tone of the Egyptian texts". In later antiquity, Porphyry describes the ladder of divine ascent to God within Plato’s Symposium. In this regard, Brenk makes the significant observation regarding Osiris that "behind the Platonic allegories and the allusions of eternity and divinization in religious-political architecture, however, is a whole strain of Egyptian religion in which Osiris and those assimilated to him receive immortality, in particular, celestial immortality".

Porter characterises the core Mithraic myth as having revolved around the journey of the soul after death. In his tantalising description of the Mithraic mysteries, Celsus describes a ladder, with seven gates, and an eighth gate at the top, which allows the soul to pass through the orbits of heaven. Brenk comments that in the later Empire, the Emperor Julian the Apostate claimed that the "ascent of the soul" was at the heart of the Mithraic mysteries. In this regard, their solar theology and its affinity with traditional Egyptian beliefs and their associated imagery should be noted. Brenk further notes the relevance of the Neoplatonist interpretation of Mithraism, as well as the suggestiveness of the soul’s ascent from this world to Mithras in the ladder of the Mithraeum of Felicissimus at Ostia and the solar ray in the Barbarini fresco...

The presence of the motif of the ascent of the soul in mythology, philosophy, the founding stories of Rome, and the Emperor cult, reinforced by mystery religions, indicates that we are not faced merely with an idea at the fringe of Roman culture, but rather with one at its core. his was not an uninluential idea that competed among many others about the afterlife, but instead a concept that manifested itself in so many guises in the thought of the Roman world that eventually, by the late empire, it became the principal view.

It is not surprising that the ascent motif is also prominent within Second Temple Judaism and early Christianity, particularly in the apocalyptic literature. he trials associated with ascent are also evident; for example, in the Ascension of Isaiah we find a description of the trials that attend travelers through the various levels of the heavens, including the requirement for passwords.

In this regard, Segal notes that Enoch and Moses are the most important Jewish figures of "divinisation or angelic transformation". In the Enochic literature, for example, Enoch ascends to heaven for the ultimate reward: "astral transformation and enthronement in heaven". In 1 Enoch 39.7 there is an image of the final judgment that seems to include the transformation of the righteous into angel-like beings. In 2 Enoch 22:7, after seeing God, Enoch is transformed into "one of his glorious ones", which Segal interprets to be "in short, an angel and a star". Note that in 2 Enoch 22:8-10, recension A, the transformation is accomplished through a change of clothing, which represents Enoch’s transformed, immortal flesh. Segal notes that "[t]his is a significant parallel with Paul’s future glorification of the mortal body in 2 Cor. 5:1-10"...

The Egyptian evidence for the post-mortem ascent of the soul is the earliest and most extensive of any of the ancient civilisations, in spite of it having been expressed through metaphors and symbols that seem foreign to the Greeks and that the Egyptian cosmology and understanding of the "soul" was different from that of the Greeks. The key elements in the Hellenistic depictions of ascent may already be found in ancient Egypt. his seems to remain true in spite of the fact that classical scholars, as well as scholars of early Judaism and Christianity, have looked for the roots of the ascent myth in a variety of historical traditions, particularly in Babylonian and Persian Zoroastrian beliefs. h ese scholarly proposals suffer variously from a scarcity of textual evidence, as well as significant problems with dating.

However, in ancient Egypt we have a culture with a fully-ledged antecedent to the Graeco-Roman ascent myth, arguably much earlier than these other cultures, and we have an abundant corpus of textual material which can be dated with reasonably tolerable confidence... Ancient Egypt was a culture which was obsessed with the afterlife. Davies writes that "[m]ore than any other society Egypt appears to have constructed a thanatology in which, in life and in death, the difference between men and gods, that is between mortals and immortals, had been transcended"... Davies comments that for the ancient Egyptians, uniquely and distinctively "[d]eath was life"... Among the very earliest and pervasive strata of Egyptian religion is that which was associated with the stars. In 1966, Faulkner published a study in which he attempted to survey the ideas of the cult of the stars that are present in the Pyramid Texts. In doing so, he noted that, although it had not been studied in detail, behind these texts "lay a very ancient stratum of stellar religion, in which the stars were regarded as gods or as the souls of the blessed dead"...

The idea of astral immortality was inherent in the notion of imperial apotheosis from the beginning. In the imperial coinage, the «ascension star», which becomes the numismatic sign for divinified emperors, is placed above the head of Augustus. One cannot help but be reminded of the ceilings covered with stars in the tombs of the Pharaohs, which represented their own destiny in the heavens... The central aim of the Pyramid Texts appears to be to enable the pharaoh’s resurrection and to ensure that he reaches the sky, where he is to take his place among the other gods who form part of the retinue of the sun god Re. Many of the spells in the Pyramid Texts explicitly state that the pharaoh rises to heaven by means of a ladder. Examples include: "Stand up, you two uprights, and descend, you crossbars, that Unis may go up on the ladder that his father the Sun has made for him". "N. ascends on the ladder which his father Ra made for him", and "the gods who belong to the sky and the gods who belong to the earth… make for him conveyance on their arms. So, you shall go forth, Unis, to the sky and step up on it in this its identity of the ladder"...

The importance of this, as Segal observes, is that "[t]he association of heaven with immortality is uniquely an Egyptian invention, occurring many millennia before it becomes part of Biblical or Greek tradition". This is reflected in the main themes of the Pyramid Texts... The first main theme is ascent to the sky... The second major theme of the Pyramids is that of Pharaoh becoming one of the stars of the sky in the afterlife... The third major theme which accompanies ascension and stellar immorality is the assertion of Pharaoh’s divinity... The divinity of Pharaoh in the afterlife was associated with the identification, and indeed assimilation, of Pharaoh with the sun-god Re... As noted above, concepts of astral immortality, embodying just these themes, were later widespread across the Hellenistic work. This included many Jewish texts, particularly within the apocalyptic literature. It is notable that the Pyramid Texts, in their key themes, clearly foreshadow the later Graeco-Roman concepts by millennia. Furthermore, the themes found in the Pyramid Texts provide the foundation for, and are subsequently reflected in, the subsequent funerary texts, through the history of ancient Egypt...

As they developed in the Middle Kingdom, and as reflected in the Coin Texts, Egyptian beliefs came to be described most pervasively by the cult of Osiris, in whose realm the majority of the people hoped to find immortality. It is significant that earlier, in the Pyramid Texts, Osiris was said to dwell in the sky, although there are a few references in the Pyramid Texts to Osiris’ underworld kingdom. Brenk comments that "[a]lready in the Fifth and Sixth Dynasties… Osiris had solar associations. Although nothing in the earlier myth of Osiris should put him in orbit, he inherited a celestial hereafter and became associated with Orion"...

Numbers also had definite magical power for the Egyptians, and the number seven particularly "was charged with a special magical potency". Accordingly there were seven deities who equipped the justified soul every day in the netherworld, and there were seven bas of Re. More signiicantly, in the Book of Going Forth By Day, there were seven gateways whose keepers the deceased must satisfy in order to proceed. hese seven gateways and their keepers are paralleled in the seven gateways/heavens and their keepers of later Hellenistic, as well as Judaeo-Christian, ascent narratives... Underneath the earth were the regions of Nun, the primordial waters. Goelet notes that «[t]he name «Nun» … occasionally is written with an inverted «sky» determinative, an indication that Nun may have been considered as a subterranean counterpart to the sky». The Duat is also found under the earth, and is another name for the netherworld. This vast subterranean region is perhaps the most important of all of the components of the afterworld; however, it also seems to have been originally connected with the stars, and the word duat was originally written with a star, referring to the night sky...

The other important soul-concept, already mentioned above, is the akh, or the spirit that lives in the afterlife. Smart observes that "[t]he akh in effect is the glorified state of the individual"... The Egyptian understanding of the experience of the afterlife was, in effect, one of spiritual transfiguration. In the process of transfiguration, achieving akh-hood seems to have been the ultimate afterlife aspiration of all. The akh seems to have had very little to do with the earthly realm, and was closely related to the realm of the solar/stellar... Indeed, according to the Book of the Dead, and many other Egyptian funerary texts, the blessed dead, in other words those who had achieved akh-hood, became "fullfledged members of the company of the gods". As noted earlier, Goelet observes that the mummiform figure was used as a determinative for the word netjer, "god", and that this same world could also mean a "dead person". Goelet comments that "[t]he mummiform image may appear in this context because the Egyptians thought that the corpse was in some manner divine". Smith notes that "the Egyptian word for horizon, akhet, which denotes the place where the boundary between the visible and the hidden is located, is derived from the same root as akh". This etymology also clearly associates the akh with the sky, with the gods, and with the stellar or solar transfiguration of the deceased.

Of course, the deities which Egyptians most aspired to be transfigured into and assimilated with after death were Osiris and Re. It is salient that even in the New Kingdom, the gods Osiris and Re were often associated and even fused together. The differences in their respective mythologies, and the apparently divergent destinations of the dead, presented no difficulty to the Egyptian mind, given their understanding of complementary dualities. Corcoran therefore observes that "[t]he association of Osiris with a solar deity was not of itself, however, inconsistent with traditional pharaonic Egyptian mythology, since from the New Kingdom, one can document the union of Osirian and solar elements in the fusion of the god Osiris with the sun-god Re"... It is in this context that Goelet notes, with regard to the Book of Going Forth by Day, that the Papyrus of Ani places a hymn to Re immediately before the hymn to Osiris Wennefer. In the Book of Going Forth by Day the deceased is constantly identified with Re, and with his daily rebirth and dawn...

In spite of the apparent distance in time, culture, and geography, key elements of the Graeco-Roman motif of post-mortem ascent are significantly foreshadowed in the earlier Egyptian funerary texts such as the Pyramid Texts and the later Book of Coming Forth By Day. In this sense, as the earliest texts of this nature known, the ancient Egyptian conceptions may be seen as either the archetypes of Graeco-Roman notions of ascent, or at least as being closer to those archetypes. These findings appear to give some degree of weight to Herodotus’ opinion about the Egyptian source of the gods and religious observances of the Greeks... Traditional Egyptian religion was still vibrant, preserving its essential elements, well into late antiquity. In spite of the greater antiquity of Egyptian civilisation, when we refer to Egyptian and Graeco-Roman cultures, we are generally referring to cultures that were contiguous; furthermore, it is not possible to deny the profound impact that Egyptian ideas had upon the Graeco-Roman world.
The Egyptian Book of the Dead The Book of Going Forth by Day - The Complete Papyrus of Ani Featuring Integrated Text and Full-Color Images (Chronicle Books, 2008), Eva Von Dassow:
The sky was a particularly important in the Egyptian cosmology of the afterlife. The sky was the location of the stars, the sun, and other heavenly bodies which with both the gods and the spirits of deceased mortals might be identified.

The Akh: If there was such a thing as a hierarchy of souls in the next world, the akh would probably be at the top. The term is frequently translated by Egyptologists as 'blessed dead'. Although akh-hood is the ultimate goal of the solar conception of the afterlife, there is little that we can say about this form of the soul... The word akh means something like the 'effective one' or the 'radiant one'. As an akh the deceased was truly transfigured, in essentially an incorporeal state, having become a stellar or solar being.
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

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Classifying the Duat: Tracing the Conceptualization of the Afterlife between Pyramid Texts and Coffin Texts (De Gruyter, 2018), Silvia Zago:
The goddess Nut, personifying the celestial vault as early as the Pyramid Texts (Allen 1989: 16), was believed to conceive the sun each night and to give birth to him again each morning (e. g. PT 563 § 1416c‒1417d). Besides being the sun’s mother, she also appears in the Pyramid Texts in the role of mother of the king, of the stars and of other celestial beings, to which she gives birth (e. g. PT 504 §§ 1082a‒b, PT 577 § 1527a; further references in Allen 1989: 15 with n. 97), and which travel along her belly in their barques. Additionally, Nut could be identified with the coffin and the sarcophagus (e. g. PT 364 §§ 616d‒f), as also her most common epithets “Great Encloser” and “Encloser of the Great One” would seem to indicate (Allen 1989: 17 n. 113; Billing 2002: 179 f.). She was therefore imagined to be a space enclosing all the phases of life, hence the term “Lord of Life” used to designate the coffin, among other names (Willems 1988: 46 f.). Being the coffin as a whole a ritual element (Willems 1988: passim) that effectively transformed death into (new) life, the placement of the body within it can be conceived of as a return to the maternal womb (Assmann 2005: 165‒173). The reception of the ascending king is described in terms of a conception, similarly to the Kamutef motif in which Re reaches up to his mother and is said to make her pregnant (e. g. PT 479 § 990a; cf. Billing 2002: 124). An ascension scenario (Willems 1988: 134 f.; Billing 2002: 124 f.; Assmann 2005: 183) is thereby combined with the reconstitution of the king and with rebirth, rejuvenation, and renewal of the deceased occurring symbolically in Nut’s womb and in the sky at the same time...

Nut as an all-enclosing and enclosed space therefore embodies a third tradition concerning the idea of afterlife in both the Pyramid Texts and the Coffin Texts, representing their underlying foundational concept. Her function of prototypical motherly habitat for the deceased and the celestial bodies during their phase of renewal before rebirth overlaps with the notion of Duat as a liminal domain full of regenerative power, situated between two modes of existence, and thus perhaps also between two areas, geographical or otherwise. As such, the Duat can lie in the sky or somewhere between the earth and the horizon, and it may even coincide with Nut’s womb, which harbors the sun and the stars and offers a place of regeneration through (re)birth. In the figure of Nut all the seemingly contrasting destinies of the deceased seem to be brought together and reconciled, as is more explicitly expressed in the New Kingdom Books of the Sky and also, at times, in some passages of the Underworld Books...
The Search for God in Ancient Egypt (Cornell University Press, 2001) By Jan Assmann:
Both spells proceed from the situation of the deceased lying on his bier, and both set it in the light of a mythic situation or an event in the divine realm: the discovery of Osiris, who has been slain by his brother Seth. The mythic explanation facilitates action; in spell 532, the action of the mourning women, who bewail the deceased as Isis and Nephthys, embalm and awaken him, and in spell 477, cited here, the action of the priests, who as Horus and Thoth justify the deceased by putting his murderer on trial. Death is not an end, but the beginning of the funerary rites, and thus it is also the beginning of the story that explains these rites. If we wish to locate the story at the point where it becomes spoken, we must point to death as its starting point and its theme. The Osiris myth overcomes the experience of death by according this apparently catastrophic and hopeless situation an orientation in which it becomes meaningful to say to the deceased: "Arise!" "Stand up!" "Lift yourself!"—called out to the deceased as he lies stretched out, these exhortations constitute a common element shared by the two texts... Addressed to the deceased lying inert, the spells say, "Raise yourself!" on various mythic grounds. Their function is to raise the dead... What was special about this mythic framework of action was that in it, both grief and hope had their place and their justification. Osiris was the object both of mourning that was directed backwards, that derived from the experience of loss, and of acts that looked forward, that sprung from a belief that a disturbed order could be restored. The myth extended the temporal horizon of the situation of the deceased both forward and backward, breaking the seal of death. All this took form in Osiris: he was the mourned and resurrected god who experienced and overcame death...

The nightly journey of the sun as a descensus ad inferos brought the sun god into constellations with the inhabitants of the netherworld, the transfigured dead. His light, and in particular his speech, awoke them from the sleep of death and allowed them to participate in the life-giving order that emanated from his course. But in this, the god himself experienced the form of existence of the transfigured dead and set an example for them by overcoming death. For in the depths of the night and the netherworld - and this was the most mysterious constellation of all - he united with Osiris, the son with the deceased father, the ba with the corpse, and from this union he received the strength for a fresh life cycle...

The icon of sunset represents the cosmic process in such a way that it can be the archetype of the fate of the dead. It invests actions and events in the divine realm with a formulation that makes them comprehensible on the level of the mortuary cult. The same is true of the morning icon, which symbolizes the overcoming of death and the renewal of life, rebirth from the womb of the sky goddess. Connected with it are Isis and Nephthys, the divine mourning women, whose laments and transfigurations raise the dead into the morning constellation of the course of the sun... The icons give the course of the sun a form that makes it possible to relate it to the world of humankind, for they bring to light a meaning in the sun's course that is common to both levels, the cosmic level and that of the fate of the dead; that is, events on both levels can be explained by means of them... Just as the icons of evening and morning sketch out the archetype of a successful outcome for individual's hopes for immortality, so the midday icon of overcoming the enemy lends archetypal form above all to society and its interest in health, life, and well-being... The course of the sun was at the same time the pulse-beat of the world, which filled the cosmos with life force by means of the cyclic defeat of the enemy and of death. The constellation that lent the clarity of an icon to this idea was that of Re and Osiris. In the depths of the night, they unite as father and son, as the day at dusk and dawn, and as the two aspects of plenitude of cosmic time that the Egyptians distinguished as neheh and djet.
The Mind of Egypt: History and Meaning in the Time of the Pharaohs (Harvard University Press, 2003), Jan Assmann:
The spread of the religion of Osiris and, inextricably bound up with it, the emergence of a universal Judgment of the Dead constituted the most significant new paradigm in the Egyptian history of meaning... The idea of the Judgment of the Dead is crucial both to Osirian religion itself and to the new semiology of the Middle Kingdom. In the early stages of its evolution, the Judgment of the Dead was modeled on the mythical trial in which Osiris urged his claims successfully against his murderer, Seth, and thus overcame death. Every dead person hoped to find similar vindication after death and to follow Osiris into the realm of immortality... In the context of the Osirian doctrine of self-justification, autobiographical discourse rose to spectacular new heights and confirmed the emphasis on the inner man, virtue, and character - in short, the heart...

The Egyptian concept of the verdict passed on the dead bears some comparison to the early Christian notion of divine judgment as set out in chapter 25 of the Gospel According to St. Matthew. Instead of the Egyptian tribunal, the gospel offers the Last Judgment, instead of individual lifetimes the lifetime of the world; the "House of Osiris" into which the vindicated Egyptian dead were admitted is replaced by the Kingdom of God. And here too, admission to everlasting bliss depends upon the dead person's compliance with the norms of human fellowship; in the hereafter, those transgressions not susceptible of retribution on earth are accorded the ultimate sanction of eternal damnation...

These hymns-as-commentaries elucidate aspects of the cosmos in terms of three different dimensions of meaning. In the governmental and political dimension of rule, the salutary aspect of the circuit of the sun lies in its affirmation of order over chaos through the victory of light over darkness and motion over standstill. In the social dimension, the salutary meaning of the course of the sun lies in the love with which god infuses the world. On the individual plane, it is the cycle of death and rebirth, aging and rejuvenation that makes the course of the sun the model of hope for the hereafter. The circuit of the sun thus stands as an aggregate model for earthly life...

It is the salvational efficacy of this process that gives it meaning in the first place and that marks the linguistic accompaniment as an interpretation. Of central moment is the idea of a dual overcoming: the overcoming of evil, personified by Apopis threatening the bark with standstill, and the overcoming of death. Both are manifestations of chaos, two aspects of the same process. The overcoming of evil is the active, transitive aspect, directed at the external world. In this dynamic, the sun god figures as the god of the world, whose word creates order, speaks law, ensures livelihood, and "drives out evil."...The overcoming of death is the passive or intransitive aspect of the nightly journey. This process takes the form of a life span that the sun god traverses, aging and dying in order to be reborn. The mystery of solar rebirth is in fact the central salvational element in Egyptian religion... The visual recognition of the circuit of the sun becomes an act of understanding by identification. Human beings recognize themselves in the cosmos. It is their death that is overcome, their ambivalence about good and evil that is oriented toward the good
The Ancient Egyptian Books of the Afterlife (Cornell University Press, 1999), Erik Hornung:
In the ninth hour (figure 38), the central motif in front of the barque in the middle register is the rectangle of water containing the drowned, a scene borrowed from the Amduat, where it is depicted in the lower register of the tenth hour. Here, four groups of dead persons drift in various positions in the primeval waters of Nun, profiting from its regenerative capacities; for them, the water means refreshment. Their noses are to breathe the air, and their ba-souls will not be destroyed, with the result that they will share in the continued existence of the blessed. Re himself is here the "one who is in Nun," and in the scene that concludes the book, he will be raised up out of Nun. The aforementioned ba-souls appear in the upper register, and next to them is a group of persons who give them bread and vegetables. By way of contrast, the lower register is reserved for punishment. The Fiery One, a giant serpent with the Children of Horus standing in his coils, spews his fiery breath at twelve enemies who are bound in three different ways. In his reprimand, Horus condemns these enemies for the atrocities they have committed against his father, Osiris, and he summons the Fiery One to set them ablaze.

In the tenth hour (figure 39), the entire middle register is filled with the battle against Apophis. The fourteen deities holding nets are especially striking. In their nets, which they hold above them, magical power is contained as though in a force field, and it renders Apophis defenseless. The Old One (perhaps the earth god, Geb) ties fetters around his body. The upper and lower registers display special forms of manifestation of the sun god. Above, he appears as a griffin, followed by two highly complex serpent entities who participate in the punishment of Apophis and all other enemies... Again in the eleventh hour (figure 40), this time in the upper register, Apophis is bound, dismembered, and rendered harmless. The rope with which he and his assistants are bound is held by a giant fist emerging from the depths
The Ancient Egyptian Netherworld Books (SBL Press, 2018) John Coleman Darnell, Colleen Manassa Darnell:
The "Netherworld" of the ancient Egyptian universe possessed dual properties as a defined extent of space and length of time. In the Book of the Hidden Chamber and the Book of Gates, the Netherworld is divided into twelve units, which can be measured as a unit of distance as well as a unit of time... and like each of the twelve units within the book, each one also represents an hour of time. This hour of time is measured from the perspective of the earthly sphere, for that same unit of time can be conceived of as a "lifetime" for the Netherworld denizens... Several scenes within the Netherworld Books describe the destruction and accompanying re-creation of time. The interaction of space and time in the Netherworld Books ultimately leads to the re-creation of the cosmos each night. As the sun descends into the depth of the Nun-waters and visits his Osirian corpse, time itself is renewed, enabling the resurrection of the dead king and indeed all blessed dead... Hours 9-10 are watery realms, and the chaotic waters of Nun intrude into the lowest register of Hour 10, in which float the drowned yet blessed dead. The punishment of enemies becomes one of the chief themes of Hour 11 of the Book of the Hidden Chamber, and an appropriate landscape of fiery pits appears in the lowest register...

This corresponds to the concept of creation from de(con)struction that finds such emphasis in the book of Caverns- the "atomizing" of the self results in a recreation of the blessed dead but leaves the several portions of the dismembered damned to cook in the fires of the Netherworldy deities... One of the few consistent topographical themes of the Netherworld Books does appear within Hour 2 of the Book of Gates, as it does throughout the Book of Caverns: the punishment of the damned is executed in the lowest register of the hour, in the bowels of each division of the night. The Lake of Fire in Hour 3 of the Book of Gates (Scene 10) has an interesting dual nature: it provides refreshing water for the blessed dead, but a blasting flame against the damned... The stench - decomposition - indicates that the dual nature of the water ultimately evokes the dual workings of deconstruction, both the regeneration of the blessed dead and the destruction of the damned... Following Hour 5 is an interior space, the Judgement Hall of Osiris... Just as enemies of the sun god burn within the Temple of the Benben in Scene 38, the lower register of Hour 6 expands upon the punishment of the damned with a "flaming pit" guarded by a fire-spitting uraeus. Hour 7 places the destruction of the enemies in the middle register... In the final three hours of the Book of Gates, Re approaches the eastern horizon of heaven as he repeatedly battles the chaos serpent Apep... The lower register of the Netherworldy caverns are identified particularly closely with "Place of Destruction," in which the damned are not simply annihilated, but deconstructed.
A lot of the themes found in the above quote are very similar to the battle between God and his enemies that Paul refers to and of course the book of Revelation. In the Egyptian tradition, these things happen every night but in the Christian/Jewish traditions, it's at the end of history, more like Zoroastrian tradition which is where I think Jews picked up the idea.

So now going back to point 2 at the beginning of this post where Donghyun Jeong says: "To be clear, this analogical relationship of ritual messages does not mean that Christ-baptism directly originated from the initiation rituals of the mysteries, or that Paul’s theology of baptism was dependent on the (abstracted) theology of the mystery cults".

I agree that these parallels don't necessarily mean Paul was directly influenced by mystery cults. However, seeing as Paul was a Hellenized Jew writing his letters in Greek and his theology is so similar to mystery cults (but also different in some ways because he is coming from a Jewish context), it becomes more likely that he was aware of the mystery cults and would have been influenced by them. Humans are influenced by their surroundings. That includes early Christians like Paul.
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

Post by andrewcriddle »

The problem with this is that it ought IMO to be a comparison between Pauline baptism and what we solidly know about the Late Hellenistic mysteries of Isis Dionysus etc. However it seems to cover a lot of material some of which (e.g. Ulansey on Mithras) is extremely speculative and some of which (e,g. the Pyramid texts) may not be relevant to the Hellenistic mysteries. If we take the account in the Golden Ass which is a fictional description of initiation into the mysteries of Isis, although impressive, it does not IMO particularly resemble Pauline baptism.

Andrew Criddle
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

Post by nightshadetwine »

andrewcriddle wrote: Tue Oct 03, 2023 1:29 am The problem with this is that it ought IMO to be a comparison between Pauline baptism and what we solidly know about the Late Hellenistic mysteries of Isis Dionysus etc. However it seems to cover a lot of material some of which (e.g. Ulansey on Mithras) is extremely speculative and some of which (e,g. the Pyramid texts) may not be relevant to the Hellenistic mysteries. If we take the account in the Golden Ass which is a fictional description of initiation into the mysteries of Isis, although impressive, it does not IMO particularly resemble Pauline baptism.

Andrew Criddle
The mysteries of Isis were influenced by the ancient Egyptian mortuary rituals that revolved around the deaths and resurrections of Osiris and the sun god. A lot of the details we find in the Egyptian mortuary rituals we also find in the mystery cults and Paul's letters. Lucius performs a symbolic death and rebirth/resurrection ritual like you find in the Egyptian mortuary cult and Christian baptism. Before the ritual, Lucius is bathed which purifies him of his sins which you also find in the Egyptian mortuary ritual. In the Egyptian mortuary ritual this bath is done in emulation of the sun god's immersion in the primordial waters of the netherworld (where he dies) and his rising out of the primordial waters when he is reborn. In baptism, Paul combines the water purification ritual with the symbolic death and rebirth. This baptism ritual is in emulation of Jesus's death and resurrection. After the water purification ritual and the symbolic death and rebirth/resurrection, Lucius eats a sacred meal with the other initiates. We find this same pattern in the Egyptian mortuary rituals. The deceased is purified with water, depicted as being dismembered in imitation of Osiris, and is raised/resurrected to new life in emulation of Osiris. The resurrected/glorified deceased then eats bread and beer which integrates the deceased into the community of other divine beings/gods. In Paul we find the same pattern, the Christian is purified in water and performs a ritual death and rebirth/resurrection in emulation of Christ, and then eats a meal with the other Christians. In all of these cults, passing through the initiation means you have been "perfected" and reborn as a new morally pure person who will pass judgement and live on eternally. It's literally the same concept.

The Mithras stuff isn't "speculative". The bull is literally depicted with grains and grapes growing out of its body and blood. The whole point of the mysteries (and Christianity) is new life out of death.

The Cult of Mithras in Late Antiquity: Development, Decline and Demise ca. A.D. 270-430 (BRILL, 2018), David Walsh:
First, the death of the bull brings about the (re)birth of the universe, as indicated by the animals feeding on its
life-force and (in some versions) corn and grape vines emerging from its tail or wound... The cave in which the slaying of the bull
takes place also appears to be a symbol of the universe: a dark sphere-like environment with an interior but no
exterior. Another reading of the image is of the victory of light over dark and day against night. Given their positions within the image,
Mithras is clearly related to Sol, while the bull is connected to Luna; indeed, the bull’s body-shape is often that of a crescent moon...
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

Post by andrewcriddle »

nightshadetwine wrote: Tue Oct 03, 2023 11:27 am
andrewcriddle wrote: Tue Oct 03, 2023 1:29 am The problem with this is that it ought IMO to be a comparison between Pauline baptism and what we solidly know about the Late Hellenistic mysteries of Isis Dionysus etc. However it seems to cover a lot of material some of which (e.g. Ulansey on Mithras) is extremely speculative and some of which (e,g. the Pyramid texts) may not be relevant to the Hellenistic mysteries. If we take the account in the Golden Ass which is a fictional description of initiation into the mysteries of Isis, although impressive, it does not IMO particularly resemble Pauline baptism.

Andrew Criddle
The mysteries of Isis were influenced by the ancient Egyptian mortuary rituals that revolved around the deaths and resurrections of Osiris and the sun god. A lot of the details we find in the Egyptian mortuary rituals we also find in the mystery cults and Paul's letters. Lucius performs a symbolic death and rebirth/resurrection ritual like you find in the Egyptian mortuary cult and Christian baptism. Before the ritual, Lucius is bathed which purifies him of his sins which you also find in the Egyptian mortuary ritual. In the Egyptian mortuary ritual this bath is done in emulation of the sun god's immersion in the primordial waters of the netherworld (where he dies) and his rising out of the primordial waters when he is reborn. In baptism, Paul combines the water purification ritual with the symbolic death and rebirth. This baptism ritual is in emulation of Jesus's death and resurrection. After the water purification ritual and the symbolic death and rebirth/resurrection, Lucius eats a sacred meal with the other initiates. We find this same pattern in the Egyptian mortuary rituals. The deceased is purified with water, depicted as being dismembered in imitation of Osiris, and is raised/resurrected to new life in emulation of Osiris. The resurrected/glorified deceased then eats bread and beer which integrates the deceased into the community of other divine beings/gods. In Paul we find the same pattern, the Christian is purified in water and performs a ritual death and rebirth/resurrection in emulation of Christ, and then eats a meal with the other Christians. In all of these cults, passing through the initiation means you have been "perfected" and reborn as a new morally pure person who will pass judgement and live on eternally. It's literally the same concept.
The account of Lucius of his initiation is
When I heard these divine commandements, I greatly rejoyced: and arose before day to speake with the great Priest, whom I fortuned to espie comming out of his chamber: Then I saluted him, and thought with my selfe to aske and demand his counsell with a bold courage, but as soone as he perceived me, he began first to say: O Lucius now know I well that thou art most happy and blessed, whom the divine goddesse doth so greatly accept with mercy, why dost thou delay? Behold the day which thou desiredst when as thou shalt receive at my hands the order of religion, and know the most pure secrets of the gods, whereupon the old man tooke me by the hand, and lead me to the gate of the great temple, where at the first entrie he made a solempne celebration, and after morning sacrifice ended, brought out of the secret place of the temple books, partly written with unknown characters, and partly painted with figures of beasts declaring briefly every sentence, with tops and tailes, turning in fashion of a wheele, which were strange and impossible to be read of the prophane people: There he interpreted to me such things as were necessary to the use and preparation of mine order. This done, I gave charge to certaine of my companions to buy liberally, whatsoever was needfull and convenient, then he brought me to the next bains accompanied with all the religious sort, and demanding pardon of the goddesse, washed me and purified my body, according to custome. After this, when noone approached, he brought me backe againe to the temple, presented me before the face of the goddesse, giving a charge of certaine secret things unlawfull to be uttered, and commanding me, and generally all the rest, to fast by the space of ten continuall daies, without eating of any beast, or drinking any wine, which thing I observed with a marvellous continencie. Then behold the day approached, when as the sacrifice should be done, and when night came there arrived on every coast, a great multitude of Priests, who according to their order offered me many presents and gifts: then was all the Laity and prophane people commanded to depart, and when they had put on my back a linnen robe, they brought me to the most secret and sacred place of all the temple. You would peradventure demand (you studious reader) what was said and done there, verely I would tell you if it were lawfull for me to tell, you should know if it were convenient for you to heare, but both thy eares, and my tongue shall incur the like paine of rash curiositie: Howbeit, I will content thy mind for this present time, which peradventure is somewhat religious and given to some devotion, listen therefore and beleeve it to be true: Thou shalt understand that I approached neere unto Hell, even to the gates of Proserpina, and after that, I was ravished throughout all the Element, I returned to my proper place: About midnight I saw the Sun shine, I saw likewise the gods celestiall and gods infernall, before whom I presented my selfe, and worshipped them: Behold now have I told thee, which although thou hast heard, yet it is necessarie thou conceale it; this have I declared without offence, for the understanding of the prophane.

When morning came, and that the solemnities were finished, I came forth sanctified with xii. Stoles and in a religious habit, whereof I am not forbidden to speake, considering that many persons saw me at that time: there I was commanded to stand upon a seate of wood, which stood in the middle of the temple, before the figure and remembrance of the goddesse; my vestiment was of fine linnen, covered and embroidered with flowers. I had a pretious Cope upon my shoulders hanging downe to the ground, whereon were beasts wrought of divers colours as Indian dragons, and Hiperborian Griphons, whom in forme of birds, the other world doth ingender; the Priests commonly call such a habit, a celestiall Stole: in my right hand I carried a light torch, and a garland of flowers upon my head, with Palme leaves sprouting out on every side: I was adorned like unto the Sun, and made in fashion of an Image, in such sort that all the people compassed about to behold me: then they began to solemnize the feast of the nativitie, and the new procession with sumptuous bankets and delicate meates: the third day was likewise celebrated with like ceremonies with a religious dinner, and with all the consummation of the order: when I had continued there a good space, I conceived a marvailous great pleasure and consolation in beholding ordinarily the Image of the goddesse, who at length admonished me to depart homeward, not without rendring of thanks, which although it were not sufficient, yet they were according to my power.
There is nothing explicit to indicate that Lucius has died and been raised in emulation of Osiris. One could argue that the explicit solar imagery, (Lucius clearly is in some sense identified with the sun), implies that Lucius is identified with Osiris, but I am not convinced.
nightshadetwine wrote: Tue Oct 03, 2023 11:27 am The Mithras stuff isn't "speculative". The bull is literally depicted with grains and grapes growing out of its body and blood. The whole point of the mysteries (and Christianity) is new life out of death.

The Cult of Mithras in Late Antiquity: Development, Decline and Demise ca. A.D. 270-430 (BRILL, 2018), David Walsh:
First, the death of the bull brings about the (re)birth of the universe, as indicated by the animals feeding on its
life-force and (in some versions) corn and grape vines emerging from its tail or wound... The cave in which the slaying of the bull
takes place also appears to be a symbol of the universe: a dark sphere-like environment with an interior but no
exterior. Another reading of the image is of the victory of light over dark and day against night. Given their positions within the image,
Mithras is clearly related to Sol, while the bull is connected to Luna; indeed, the bull’s body-shape is often that of a crescent moon...
Ulansey's views on Mithras and precession clearly are speculative. They may be peripheral to your main point. A more general issue is whether or not the Roman Mysteries of Mithras are early enough to have influenced Paul.

Andrew Criddle

EDITED TO ADD I used above the very old standard online translation of the Golden Ass. It is not really adequate.
This is by Thomas Taylor.
But I, by these and other benevolent precepts of the
supreme Goddess, being mentally refreshed, sleep having left
me, though it was not yet clear day, immediately proceeded to
the dwelling of the priest, and having found him then going out
of his bedchamber, I saluted him. And I had now determined
to request more firmly than ever that I might commence my
religious service, as a thing that was due to me. But he, as
soon as he saw me, began, prior to me, thus to speak : " 0 my
Lucius, how happy and blessed are you, whom the august
divinity has so greatly honoured by her propitious will ! And
why," said he, do you now stand idle, and make any delay ?
The day sought for by your continual wishes is now present to
you, in which you will be initiated in the most pious arcana of
sacred rites, by these my hands, through the divine mandates of
the multinominal Goddess." And the most humane old man,
taking hold of me by the hand, led me immediately to the doors
of the most ample temple; and having performed the office of
opening them, in the accustomed solemn way, and made the
morninq sacrifice, he took from the most inward parts of the
adytum, certain books written in unknown characters [lie. in
hieroglpyhics] ; partly compendiously suggesting the words of a
discourse by the figures of animals of every kind ; and partly
fortified against the inquisitive perusal of the profane, by knotted
accents, and which were bent after the manner of a wheel, and
folded in each other like the tendrils of a vine. From these
books he informed me what must necessarily be prepared by me
for the purpose of initiation.
Immediately, therefore, I strenuously procured the previous
requisites, and somewhat more abundantly than I was ordered
to do, partly through myself, and partly through my associates.
And when the time, as the priest said, required it, he led me to
the nearest bath, which was surrounded by a company of
religious men ; and when he had placed me in the accustomed
bath, he himself washed me, and sprinkled me with water in the
purest manner, after he had first implored the pardon of the
Gods. Again, also, he brought me back to the temple, and
there placed me before the footsteps of the Goddess, two parts
of the day having been now passed over; and having given
certain mandates in secret, which are too holy to be uttered, he
clearly ordered, before all that were present, that I should
abstain from luxurious food, during those ten continued days,
and that I should not eat the flesh of any animal, and should
refrain from wine. These precepts therefore, having been
properly observed by me, with a venerable continence, the day
had now arrived in which I was to appear before the image of
the Goddess Isis, in order to be initiated, and the sun descending led on the evening. Then, behold, there was a conflux of
the people on all sides, every one llonouring me with various
gifts, according to the ancient custom of sacred rites. Then also
the priest, all the profane being removed, taking hold of me by
the hand, brought me to the penetralia of the temple, clothed
in a new linen garment. Perhaps, inquisitive reader, you will
very anxiously ask me what was then said and done ? I would
tell you, if it could be lawfully told ; you should know it, if it
was lawful for you to hear it. But both the ears and the tongue
are guilty of rash curiosity. Nevertheless, I will not keep you
in-suspense with religious desire, nor torment you with longcontinued anxiety. Hear, therefore, but believe what is true.
I approached to the confines of death, and havinq trod on the
threshold of Proserpine, I returned.from it, being carried through
all the elements. At midnight I saw the sun shining with a
splendid light ; and I manifestly drew near to the Gods beneath,
The morning arose, and the solemnities being performed,
I came forth consecrated in twelve sacerdotal garments, in a
dress indeed very religious, but of which I am not forbidden by
any law to speak, because it was seen by many who were then
present. For, by order of the priest, I ascended a wooden
throne, which was in the very middle of the sacred building
[i.e. of the temple], and was placed before the image of the
Goddess, and there I sat conspicuous, in a garment which was
indeed linen, but was elegantly painted. A precious cloak also
depended from my shoulders behind my back as far as to my
heels. Nevertheless, to whatever part of me you directed your
view, you might see that I was remarkable by the animals
which were painted round my vestment in various colours.
Here were Indian dragons, there Hyperborean griffins, which
the other hemisphere generates in the form of a winged animal.
Men devoted to the service of divinity call this cloak the
Olympic garment. But in my right hand I carried a burning
torch; and my head was decorously encircled with a crown,
the shining leaves of the palm tree projecting from it like rays
of light. Thus being adorned like the sun, and placed so as to
resemble a statue, on a sudden, the veils being drawn aside,
I was exhibited to the eyes of the people. Afterwards, I
celebrated the most joyful day of my initiation, as my natal
day," by delightfully pleasant and facetious banquets. The
third day also was celebrated with the same ceremonies, and
was accompanied by a religious breakfast, and the legitimate
consummation of the initiation. And having staid for some
days in that place, I enjoyed through the divine image [if. the
image of the Goddess] an inexplicable pleasure; being indebted
to it for a benefit which can never be repaid. Nevertheless,
through the admonition of the Goddess, having suppliantly
given her thanks, though not such as she deserved, yet to the
best of my ability, I prepared myself very slowly to return
home.
nightshadetwine
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Re: New Book: "Pauline Baptism among the Mysteries: Ritual Messages and the Promise of Initiation" (Walter de Gruyter, 2

Post by nightshadetwine »

andrewcriddle wrote: Thu Oct 05, 2023 1:37 am There is nothing explicit to indicate that Lucius has died and been raised in emulation of Osiris. One could argue that the explicit solar imagery, (Lucius clearly is in some sense identified with the sun), implies that Lucius is identified with Osiris, but I am not convinced.
Right, the text doesn't mention Lucius dying and resurrecting in emulation of Osiris. The text purposely doesn't go into all of the details of the initiation process. I'm just making a case that it is likely based on everything we know about the Egyptian mortuary rituals. The sun god and Osiris were closely related to each other because they both conquer death. These were the two deities that Egyptians would be ritually identified with. They were both associated with "mysteries" in Egyptian texts. Isis was the one who raised Osiris to new life, so it would make sense that the initiate into the Isis mysteries who is being raised to new life by Isis, would be in the role of Osiris - just like in the Egyptian mortuary ritual. Also, Lucius is crowned like Osiris was after he was raised and justified. Either way, Osiris rituals outside of the Isis mysteries were performed up until the 5th century CE, so people being raised in emulation of Osiris was still going on by the time Christianity comes around.

Lucius does imitate the voyage of the sun god through the underworld though. So that is comparable to baptism imitating Jesus's experiences, even though the Isis initiation was probably more elaborate than baptism.

Death and Salvation in Ancient Egypt (Cornell University Press, 2001), Jan Assmann:
In the Hellenistic Isis religion, the goddess embodied her adherents’ hope for eternal life, and she brought a great deal from her Egyptian past to this role. It was she who had awakened Osiris to new life through the power of her magical spells. And since, according to Egyptian belief, every individual became an Osiris by means of the mortuary rituals, his hope for immortality depended on Isis as well. There is good reason to think that ancient Egyptian burial customs lived on in the Hellenistic Isis mysteries, though in the latter case, they were enacted and interpreted not as a burial of the deceased but as an initiation of the living... Lucius is initiated into the mysteries of the netherworld. He carries out the descensus of the sun god, descending into the netherworld and beholding the sun at midnight. With these sentences, we cannot help but think of the Books of the Netherworld...
The Isis-Book (Metamorphoses, Book XI) (Brill, 1975), J. Gwyn Griffiths:
While the palm crown is here solar in form, it probably derives from the Osirian ‘crown of justification or victory ’... Drexler, (‘Isis’, 464), cites gems on which the Osiris mummy bears a radiate crown... There are clearly signs that in the Graeco-Roman era solar symbolism became popular in Osirian contexts... In this cult [Isis mysteries] the initiate can be identified with none other than Osiris, but here, after a ceremony which depicts the visit of the sun-god to the Osirian realm of the dead, the triumph over death is fittingly symbolized by an Osiris-figure with solar attributes. An identification with the god is therefore present... The identity of the mystes and his god could not be more clearly expressed. In Egyptian funerary texts the identity is proclaimed simply by prefixing Osiris to the name of the deceased. As we have seen above, the concept was pushed further in Graeco-Roman times.
The Mortuary Papyrus of Padikakem Walters Art Museum 551 (ISD LLC, Dec 31, 2011), Yekaterina Barbash:
Both compositions of papyrus W551 are mortuary in character and address Osiris or the deceased associated with him... In the s3hw as well as in other mortuary texts such as the BR, the transformation into an akh occurs by means of association of the deceased with the god Osiris and his incorporation into the sphere of the divine... Although "s3hw" primarily associate the deceased with Osiris, the latter's nightly union with Re results in a solid connection of the deceased with the sun god. The transformation of the deceased into the new state of existence as an akh can be equated with the cyclical process of the sun, as it is newly born and rises each morning... Cruz-Uribe points out that all the rooms in Theban mortuary temples containing mortuary spells also involve themes of the rebirth of the sun god, Re-Horakhty. The gods Re and Osiris unite into a giant, omnipresent deity who spans the sky and the netherworld.
andrewcriddle wrote: Thu Oct 05, 2023 1:37 amUlansey's views on Mithras and precession clearly are speculative. They may be peripheral to your main point. A more general issue is whether or not the Roman Mysteries of Mithras are early enough to have influenced Paul.
I don't believe I quoted from Ulansey's books. I'm not necessarily saying that Paul was specifically influenced by the Mithras mysteries. I'm just showing that there's a continuation of themes and motifs found in earlier mystery cults that are found in the Mithras cult.
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