Marchant quotes Eusebius:
Eusebius: Accordingly the forgery of those who have recently given currency to acts (Acta) against our Saviour is clearly proved. For the very date given in them shows the falsehood of their fabrications. For the things they have dared to say concerning the passion of the Saviour are put into the fourth consulship of Tiberius, which occurred in the 7th year of his reign {21CE} at which time it is plain that Pilate was not yet ruling in Judea, if the testimony of Josephus is to be believed,
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 85). Kindle Edition.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 85). Kindle Edition.
I find Eusebius’s remarks about the supposed discrepancy in Pilate’s dates suspiciously emphatic (a full ten years) and certainly repetitious; this is arguably a case of the bishop protesting too much. And proving a wrong date for the Passion of the Saviour would not address the substance of the report in the Acta, surely a more proper task for the apologist. Yet the emphasis is entirely on the date of the Passion being incorrect. Maximinus Daia’s pamphlet, according to Eusebius, places the execution of the Messiah in the 4th consulate of Tiberius, that is in the 7th year of his reign, 20/21CE. This is of course in conflict with the traditional dateline computed from Luke’s Gospel. Here the text at 3.1-2 gives the ministry of John the Baptist as starting ‘in the 15th year of Emperor Tiberius’ (28/29). The ministry of Jesus is widely assumed to follow shortly upon John’s appearance, between 30 and 33CE, the time span being predicated on either a one year ministry (the Synoptic Gospels) or two to three years (John). In the Acta however, a document issued on the orders of the emperor, the date given for the Passion could hardly have been arbitrary since it would then be open to ridicule if shown to conflict with official records or the work of historians of the period.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 86). Kindle Edition.
I have come to the conclusion that Maximinus’s pamphlet probably carried the correct date of the Passion and that chronological fabrications were carried out by Christian scribes to shorten Pilate’s term of office in AJ from 18 years (18-36) to 10 years (26-36). The motives were twofold: a) so that the Lukan date for the Passion could be upheld and b) the apparently unsavory events depicted in the Acta, taking place in 20-21, could be divorced from any association with Pilate, and if with Pilate, also with Christ.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 87). Kindle Edition.
I take the view that the conflict over the date of the Passion in the Acta is insufficient to explain Eusebius’s sensitivity on the subject of Pilate’s prefecture.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 96). Kindle Edition.
I therefore think that it was the actual content of the pamphlet, for some pressing reason denied to posterity, which the Christians found most threatening to their faith story. That content appears to have been regarded as so damaging that the questions raised could not even be publically addressed, let alone refuted, criticism being confined to scornful remarks about inaccurate dating.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 96). Kindle Edition.
I propose that the most plausible reason the pamphlet scandalized church leaders in the time of Eusebius may have been that its subject was not a person with the name Jesus.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 97). Kindle Edition.
From among the many candidates for that role in the first half of the 1st century the most famous traditional Jewish Messiah figure known to contemporary history was Judas of Galilee.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 97). Kindle Edition.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 86). Kindle Edition.
I have come to the conclusion that Maximinus’s pamphlet probably carried the correct date of the Passion and that chronological fabrications were carried out by Christian scribes to shorten Pilate’s term of office in AJ from 18 years (18-36) to 10 years (26-36). The motives were twofold: a) so that the Lukan date for the Passion could be upheld and b) the apparently unsavory events depicted in the Acta, taking place in 20-21, could be divorced from any association with Pilate, and if with Pilate, also with Christ.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 87). Kindle Edition.
I take the view that the conflict over the date of the Passion in the Acta is insufficient to explain Eusebius’s sensitivity on the subject of Pilate’s prefecture.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 96). Kindle Edition.
I therefore think that it was the actual content of the pamphlet, for some pressing reason denied to posterity, which the Christians found most threatening to their faith story. That content appears to have been regarded as so damaging that the questions raised could not even be publically addressed, let alone refuted, criticism being confined to scornful remarks about inaccurate dating.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 96). Kindle Edition.
I propose that the most plausible reason the pamphlet scandalized church leaders in the time of Eusebius may have been that its subject was not a person with the name Jesus.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 97). Kindle Edition.
From among the many candidates for that role in the first half of the 1st century the most famous traditional Jewish Messiah figure known to contemporary history was Judas of Galilee.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 97). Kindle Edition.
(my formatting)
Peter Marchant is not questioning the dating of a crucifixion under Pilate either in the Acta dating of 21 c.e. or the Josephan dating of 19 c.e. He is questioning why Eusebius is so anxious to declare the Acta a forgery - not so much for its dating (if Josephus is to be believed re the late Pilate date) but for the things the Acta has dared to say concerning the passion of the Saviour.
Marchant goes on to suggest the problem was related to a rebel inference in the Acta - hence his theory over the Josephan figure of Judas the Galilean. i.e. a rebel figure.
The zealot Jesus idea is not new. Which I'm sure Marchant is aware of. Consequently, he has no need, or reason, to suppose that an Acta story that inferred, like the gospel story, a zealot type JC, was a forgery, an unacceptable element of the Jesus story.
In both the Slavonic Josephus story and the story in gLuke - the followers of the 'wise man', and the gospel Jesus, expected a restoration of Israel - free from Roman occupation.
11. And many from the folk followed him and received his teachings. 12. And many souls became wavering, supposing that thereby the Jewish tribes would set themselves free from the Roman hands.
But we had hoped that he was the one to redeem Israel.
If Eusebius took exception to an Acta story with an inference to a rebel type 'wise man' (as indicated in the above two quotes ) - perhaps he did not find such an inference in the TF i.e. the TF 'wise man' story had already been updated to remove any possible zealot type inference from Slavonic Josephus or gLuke. (a rebel out to overturn the Romans needed an army after all...) (Culprit ? Well - was it not Marcion that did not want a Jewish Jesus - with implications of zealots and nationalism...)
The figure of the gospel JC contains both rebel and pacifist elements. Indeed a tension exists between them; a contradiction. Yes, people change their views at times. But even so - their past is what it was. Obviously, as time went by a Jesus figure with a rebel past carried with it nationalistic elements - elements that could not be reconciled with Pauline theology/philosophy. Hence, at some stage, attempts would be made to cancel out referenced to a rebel past for the gospel JC. The Acta dating, or the Josephan dating, of the crucifixion was a small matter compared to extinguishing a rebel past for the gospel JC.
For Peter Marchant, Judas the Galilean was crucified by Pilate around 20/21 c.e.
Judas of Galilee’s execution on a Roman cross for the crime of sedition, though now almost lost to history, is highly probable: Jesus’s crucifixion, essentially for blasphemy against the Jewish religion (though foisted on the Romans by Jewish chicanery) is, to say the least, improbable as history. Judas the Galilean, in his own time, was known as the Messiah, in Greek ‘Christ’,
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 108). Kindle Edition.
Price, Robert. The Journal of Higher Criticism Volume 15 Number 3 (p. 108). Kindle Edition.
Bottom line - much better for historical research into the Jewish roots of early christian origins is to deal with Hasmonean history - Judas the Galilean, as a historical figure, has nothing to offer that research. Viewed as a literary Josephan figure - the door to Hasmonean history is wide open.
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Aristobulus II
Pompey defeated the Jewish armies in multiple battles, and took the fortresses of Judea. Aristobulus and his sons Alexander and Antigonus were captured in 63 BCE.
Aristobulus II escaped in 57 BCE, instigating rebellion against Rome in Judea, until he was finally holed up by Aulus Gabinius, consul of the Roman province of Syria, in Machaerus. Marc Antony, commander of the cavalry under Gabinius, led several men to scale Aristobulus' fortifications and subdue his forces.
Taken prisoner, Aristobulus was released by Julius Caesar in 49 BCE in order to turn Judea against Pompey. He was on his way to Judaea with his son Alexander, when "he was taken off by poison given him by those of Pompey's party". His son Alexander was beheaded by the Roman commander Scipio at Antioch.
His son Antigonus led a rebellion against Rome, with help from the Parthians, and became king and high priest in 40 BCE, but was defeated and killed by the Romans in 37 BCE.
70 years later - and Josephus writes a story about Judas the Galilean and his two sons. Where would Josephus's mind be on that 70 year anniversary of the removal of Aristobulus and the tragic Hasmonean history that followed ? On Judas the Galilean - just another upshot rebel against Rome. Or is the Hasmonean historian remembering past history and retelling that history via a story that would keep memory of those years in mind while still living under Roman occupation. ?
Yes, Josephus has Judas the Galilean as the founder of the 4th philosophy. However, if, as suggested, the Josephan story about Judas the Galilean and his two sons is a remembrance of Aristobulus II and his two sons - then what is being suggested by Josephus is that the '4th philosophy' is a philosophy with roots in Hasmonean history. Hence, it's that history, Hasmonean history, that is relevant to an understanding of the Jewish roots of early christianity.